RKD STUDIES

Peter Paul Rubens DPG125

... Paul Rubens (1b), St Barbara, watercolour, 180 x 225 mm (oval). Courtauld Institute of Art Gallery, London, Princes Gate Bequest, D.1978.PG.428.25 [4].2673a.III) Copy: Jacob de Wit after Peter Paul Rubens (1b), St Barbara fleeing from her Father, watercolour, 126 x 168 mm (oval). Museum Plantin-Moretus, Antwerp, PK.OT.00471 | D.7.5.2683b) Print after 3a.I (in the same direction): Jan Punt after Jacob de Wit (3c; in reverse) after Peter Paul Rubens (1b), The Flight of St Barbara, 1751, etching and engraving, 304 (trimmed) x 393 mm (oval; pl. 36 of the book with the ceiling paintings). BM, London, 1875,0710.3015.2693c) Copy (partial, in reverse, reworked counterproof?): Jacob de Wit after Peter Paul Rubens, St Barbara, black and red chalk, grey and brown wash, (octagonal) 190 x 254 mm. RPK, RM, Amsterdam, RP-T-1951-306.2704a) Copy (detail): Postage stamp of Antigua and Barbuda, Christmas 1978 (25 cents).4b) Copy (detail): Postage stamp of Sierra Leone, Easter 1991 (10 Le).271Another composition by Rubens5) Peter Paul Rubens, The Martyrdom of St Ursula, panel, 49 x 39 cm. KMSKB, Brussels, 1198.272Depictions of the interior of the Jesuit Church before the fire of 17186a) Pieter Neeffs I and Sebastian Vrancx (figs), Interior of the Jesuit Church, Antwerp, c. 1630, signed S. Vrancx, panel, 52 x 70.7 cm. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna, GG_1051.2736b) Wilhelm Schubert van Ehrenberg and Hieronymus Janssens (figs), Interior of the Church of the Jesuits, Antwerp, signed and dated W.S. von / Ehrenberg fec / 1667, canvas, 118.5 x 145 cm. KMSKB, Brussels, 3603.2746c) Antoon Gheringh, Interior of the Church of the Jesuits, Antwerp, canvas, 107 x 142 cm. Martin-von-Wagner-Museum der Universität Würzburg, Würzburg, 349.2756d) Wilhelm Schubert van Ehrenberg, Interior of the Antwerp Jesuit Church, canvas, 115 x 127 cm. Rubenshuis, Antwerp, RH.S.175 [5].276Other di sotto in su compositions7a) Paolo Veronese, Esther crowned by Ahasverus, 1556, canvas, 450 x 370 cm. San Sebastiano, Venice.2777b) Paolo Veronese, Justice and Peace before Venice enthroned on the Globe, 1575–8, canvas, 250 x 180 cm. Sala del Collegio, Palazzo Ducale, Venice.2787c) Modello for 7d: Peter Paul Rubens, Esther before Ahasverus, 1620, panel, 50.1 x 47.2 cm. Courtauld Institute of Art Gallery, London, Princes Gate Bequest, P.1978.PG.367.2797d) Prime version: Peter Paul Rubens, Anthony van Dyck and other assistants, Esther before Ahasverus, canvas, c. 300 x 420 cm (octagonal), ceiling painting in the Jesuit Church, destroyed in 1718.2808) Titian, David and Goliath, 1542–4, canvas, 292 x 282 cm. Santa Maria della Salute, Venice (originally in Santo Spirito in Isola).2819) Jacob de Wit, Capricorn, 1718, canvas, no dimensions known (one of a series of ceiling paintings with signs of the Zodiac, in the Cromhouthuizen, Herengracht 366, Amsterdam.282...

... thers to murder and thus brought themselves to martyrdom and saintliness.304Since the final paintings have been destroyed it is not clear exactly what they looked like, but the St Barbara would have been c. 300 x 420 cm. There are differences between the copies by Jacob de Wit, Jan Punt and Johann Justin Preissler, for instance in the way the hand of the father and the palm branch in the hand of his daughter are depicted: in some they form an X (as in DPG125 and Related works, no. 2; nos 3a.II–III) [2-4], but in others they do not touch (as in the Ashmolean bozzetto, Related works, no. 1a [1]; Related works, nos 3a.I, 3b and 3c). Is it possible that the bozzetto or other preparatory sketches were available in Antwerp or elsewhere where they could be used by the 18th-century copyists?When we compare the two copies drawn by Christian Benjamin Müller and Jacob de Wit they show further differences (Related works, nos 2 and 3a.I). For instance the round window of the castle is covered by bars in De Wit; Müller shows Dioscorus with trousers above his boot while De Wit gives him a bare knee, and with a scabbard at his hip, omitted by De Wit. Martin considers Müller’s version to be more reliable than De Wit’s as it it closer to the Dulwich painting.305 That is of course debatable, because we know that Rubens always made changes and never simply followed his earlier sketches. In any case, both copies show that the octagonal shape of the modello was made into an oval. The tower was reduced in size, the father’s sword changed into a scimitar, the father lowered, and the stone steps replaced by hilly ground. Martin suggested in 1968 that this last modification may have been done to reduce similarities between the composition and another of Rubens’s ceiling paintings, St Elizabeth of Hungary. It could also allude to a different episode in the legend of the saint (see above).For the di sotto in su compositions for the Antwerp Jesuit Church in general it seems that Rubens had looked at similar ceiling compositions in Venice by Titian in Santo Spirito in Isola (since the mid-17th century in Santa Maria della Salute; Related works, no. 8),306 and was especially inspired by Paolo Veronese’s ceiling compositions. For his Esther before Ahasverus in the Jesuit Church Rubens combined Veronese’s Esther before Ahasverus in San Sebastiano with a scene in the Sala del Collegio in the Doge’s Palace (Justice and Peace before Venice enthroned, 1575–8) (Related works, nos 7a–c).307 In San Sebastiano there were also ceiling paintings with the Four Evangelists, which may have been a source of inspiration for Rubens’s scenes with the saints in the Jesuit Church. In the same year as the fire in the church (1718) Jacob de Wit finished his ceiling decorations with the signs of the Zodiac in the Cromhouthuizen on Herengracht in Amsterdam – di sotto in su scenes for which de Wit had certainly looked closely at Rubens’s Antwerp paintings (Related works, no. 9).The image with the fleeing Barbara has been popular: we find her on postage stamps, CD covers, and on the cover of the first Corpus volume, of 1968, where the ceilings of the Jesuit Church are discussed by Martin....

Rembrandt DPG99

... IUS / EFFIGIE[M] / EXTREMVM MVNVS MORIENTIS / R MORIENTE. NVNC HABET ISTA SECVNDV HEV (Jacques de Gheyn the Younger / [bequeathed] his own...

... 6, pp. 40, 157–9 (fig. 272), 185, 377; De Winkel 2006, pp. 144–5 (fig. 58); Lammertse & Van der Veen 2006, pp. 133 (fig. 77), 135, 279; Arnold, Tiramani & Levey 2008, p. 29 (fig. 21B, reversed); Jardine 2008, p. 99 (fig., reversed), 137–8; Dejardin 2009b, pp. 64–5; Weststeijn 2015b, p. 53, fig. 35 (Jacques de Gheyn III as visitor to the Arundel Marbles); Van de Wetering 2015, p. 514, fig. 68; Jonker & Bergvelt 2016, pp. 162–4, 172; Van de Wetering 2017, i, p. 133 (fig. 68), ii, p. 514, no. 68; Manuth, De Winkel & Van Leeuwen 2019, pp. 151, 623, no. 181; RKD, no. 32024: https://rkd.nl/en/explore/images/32024 (Feb. 13, 2019).EXHIBITIONSLondon 1899, p. 12, no. 16; London/Leeds 1947–53, n.p., no. 36; Edinburgh 1950, p. 8, no. 5 (E. K. Waterhouse); Amsterdam 1952, pp. 66–7, no. 136, fig. 26; London 1952–3, p. 32, no. 126; London 1964, p. 41, no. 59, fig. IV; Berlin/Amsterdam/London 1991–2, pp. 152–5, no. 12 (P. van Thiel); Melbourne/Canberra 1997–8, pp. 92, 108–14, no. 8 (A. Blankert & M. Blokhuis); Madrid/Bilbao 1999, pp. 124–7, no. 28 (I. Dejardin); Houston/Louisville 1999–2000, pp. 154–5, no. 48 (D. Shawe-Taylor); London/Amsterdam 2006, pp. 133 (fig. 77), 135, 279 (J. van der Veen); Leiden/Oxford 2019–20, pp. 50, 230–33, no. 110 (with no. 109, Related works, no. 1 [2]; C. Brown).TECHNICAL NOTESSingle-member oak panel with vertical grain. The verso edges are bevelled and the bottom edge is slightly unevenly cut. On the reverse there is a worn Latin inscription in ink. The ground is a warm buff with grey imprimatura. The paint is fairly thick and there are broken brush hairs caught in the paint film. The face is painted more thinly. There are pentimenti: X-ray photography [1] shows that an area of background was painted in first around the reserve left for the painting of the head.38 The area for the hair was reduced a little when the final background layers were painted and the pleated collar extended a little lower than in the final paint layers. The paint is in good condition. There is an old restored nail hole in the top centre. Some wear in the collar and hair. Some slight blanching of the paint in the background. Previous recorded treatment: c. 1950, cleaned, Dr Hell; 1967, reframed after burglary; 1988, varnished, C. Hampton; 1997, cleaned and retouched, S. Plender.RELATED WORKS1) (pendant) Rembrandt, Maurits Huygens, signed and dated RH van Rij./ 1632, panel, 31.1 x 24.5 cm. Kunsthalle, Hamburg, 87 [2].392) Rembrandt, Self-Portrait as a Burgher, signed and dated RHL van Ryn/1632 (RHL in monogram), panel, 63.5 x 46.3 cm (oval). Culture and Sport Glasgow (Museums): The Burrell Collection, 35.600 (formerly 468) [3].403) Rembrandt, Two Old Men Disputing, monogrammed RL, panel, 72.4 x 59.7 cm. National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne, cat. 1961, 349/4 [4].414) Rembrandt, Old Man asleep by a Fire (perhaps representing Sloth), signed and dated RL […] 29, panel, 51.9 x 40.8 cm. Galleria Sabauda, Turin, 393 [5].425) Rembrandt, The Anatomy Lesson of Dr Nicolaes Tulp, signed and dated Rembrant. ft: 1632, canvas, 169 x 216.5 cm. MH, The Hague, 146.43...

... esine, spectator, quaerere, non memini.(Whose eyes and whose face do I see in this portrait? Stop your questions, viewer, I cannot remember.)January 1633(ALIUD) (Another)Gutta magis guttae similis fortasse reperta est,Tam similis guttae non, puto, gutta fuit.(Perhaps a drop has been found that more resembled a drop. I think a drop has never been so little like a drop as this.)(ALIUD) (Another)Geiniadem tabulamque inter discriminis hanc estFabula quantillum distat ab historia.(There is as little difference between De Gheyn and the painting as between myth and history.)(ALIUD) (Another)Tantum tabella est, si tabella quae bella est,At haec, tabella bella, bella fabella est.(It is only a painting, though a lovely painting; but this lovely painting is a lovely myth.)18 February 1633(ALIUD) (Another)Cuius hic est vultus, tabulam si jure perculjQuisque suam posit dicere, nemo sui?(Whose face is this, that anyone can call his own for money, but no one can on the grounds of likeness?)(ALIUD) (Another)Rembrantis est manus ista, Gheinij vultus;Mirare, lector, et iste Gheinius non est. Eod. Die.(This is the hand of Rembrandt, the face of De Gheyn. Look in wonder, reader, and it is not De Gheyn. On the same day [18 February 1633].)48...

... loth, now in Turin (Related works, no. 4) [5]. In Jacques’ collection they were accompanied by prints and paintings by masters including Jan Porcellis (1584–1632) and Cornelis van Poelenburch (1594/5–1667), and also shells and other natural objets.54 In his contemporary Self-Portrait as a Burgher (Related works, no. 2) [3] Rembrandt showed himself in dress indicating that he belonged to (or wanted to belong to) the same social class.The two paintings seem to have stayed in the Huygens family until the 18th century, when they appeared in a sale in Utrecht in 1764.55 DPG99 may have been in Desenfans’ possession in 1786, but the picture does not appear in his subsequent inventories or sales. It is more likely that Desenfans or Bourgeois acquired it after 1804, when a picture which might well have been DPG99 was handled in Paris in November by the art dealer Jean-Baptiste-Pierre Le Brun (1748–1813), Desenfans’ sometime business partner. It is not included in Desenfans’ 1804 Insurance List, which is dated 6 July. This could mean that the picture was acquired later. It could also mean that it was not considered to be valuable or important enough to be included in the Insurance List, since only 124 pictures feature there from a collection that in lists before and after 1804 consisted of more than 300 pictures; however that a Rembrandt was not deemed important enough to be insured by Desenfans is highly unlikely....

Cornelis van POELENBURCH

... burch’s highly polished style was famous across Europe in his day, and continued to be so, except for a period from the mid-1850s when his works began to be dismissed as ‘un-Dutch’ by Théophile Thoré-Bürger (1807–69), a view taken up in the 20th century by Dutch art historians: a Dutch landscape artist was supposed to paint Dutch landscapes and not Italian ones. Poelenburch was mentioned as ‘pseudo-Italian’, with other Dutch Italianate landscape painters such as Breenbergh, Both, Adam Pijnacker (1620/21–73) and Jan Wijnants (1632–84).5 From the mid-20th century, however, his work has once again been appreciated.LITERATURESluijter-Seijffert 1984; Chong 1987e; Sluijter-Seijffert 1996; Bok 1997c; Kollmann 2000, pp. 252–3; Schatborn 2001, pp. 57–65, 204–5; Harwood 2002, p. 75; Sluijter-Seijffert 2012; Sluijter-Seijffert 2016; Saur, xcvi, 2017, pp. 192–3 (U. Härting); Ecartico, no. 6069: http://www.vondel.humanities.uva.nl/ecartico/persons/6069 (Sept. 24, 2017); RKDartists&, no. 63962: https://rkd.nl/en/explore/artists/63962 (Sept. 24, 2017)....

... holome… Duke; Duc de Valentinois / 1725...

... th mostly oak was used. It was formerly catalogued as by Breenbergh, but in 1972 Chiarini assigned it to Poelenburch, an attribution that has largely been accepted. It contains his leitmotivs of a gently sloping Italianate landscape and an antique ruin. Sluijter-Seijffert suggested that Breenbergh might have painted the figures,18 but in 2002 Laurie Harwood noted that Poelenburch occasionally painted elaborately dressed figures, as in his two versions of Athena helps Ulysses hide the Treasures of the Phaeacians (Related works, nos 3a, 3b); moreover she proposed that these figures might reflect the influence of Abraham Bloemaert, whose acquaintance Poelenburch must have renewed on his return to Utrecht in 1627.19 This contradicts the suggestion that the picture was painted while Poelenburch was still in Italy. It is also possible that Poelenburch remembered Bloemaert’s example when he worked in Italy.While it has generally been assumed that the picture is a simple Arcadian landscape, it may well be a pair to Mercury stealing the Flocks of Apollo by Poelenburch, which illustrates events from Book Two of Ovid’s Metamorphoses (Related works, nos 2a, 2b) [2]: they are similar in size, shape, and composition.20 Whether or not the pictures are a pair, the elaborately dressed figures in DPG338 would suggest that some narrative was intended. Ian Dejardin suggested that the subject could in that case be Jacob stealing the Flocks of Laban. The costumes would be appropriate for one of the patriarchs, and the prominent heavily loaded mule could be Rachel’s, on which she had hidden Laban’s family idols. The male figure could be either Jacob or conceivably Laban himself. It is not uncommon that a mythological scene is paired with a Biblical one....

... lthough whether she is – as Richter and Sparkes suggest – ‘inciting’ the dancers or, startled, urging them to move on and leave her alone, is unclear. On another picture by Poelenburch a very similar scene is being enacted at the right side of the picture, with dancing figures and a naked nymph seen from the back, and a slightly more advanced version of the scenario is playing out in the foreground (Related works, no. 1b).Sluijter-Seijffert was initially doubtful about the attribution; while finding the landscape consistent with his work, she thought that the figures – particularly the dancing nymph with cymbals seen from behind – were untypical of his style.31 Indeed there are some similarities to the work of Abraham van Cuylenborch (c. 1620–58), another Utrecht painter (Related works, nos 2a–2c) [4-6], especially in the way they paint figures.After inspection of the picture in 2006 Sluijter-Seijffert commented that the style of the figures and their facial features were consistent with those in a signed painting in a private collection (Related works, no. 1a) [3], and now DPG25 is included in her catalogue raisonné of Poelenburch. If the painting is by Poelenburch (and not by someone like Van Cuylenborch), it is probably not from his Italian period, as Sluijter-Seiffert says, but a later work. As it is painted on oak panel, an origin in the North is more plausible....

Adriaen van OSTADE

... ised 19 December 1610–Haarlem, buried 2 May 1685 in the Grote KerkDutch painter, draughtsman and etcher...

... f those by Adriaen, three are still considered to be by him: DPG45, 98, and 113. DPG16 is now thought to be by J. van Mosscher (c. 1605; active c. 1635–55). But one of the Isaac van Ostades is now attributed to Adriaen, DPG115. There is also a copy after Adriaen, DPG619. The other ‘Isaac van Ostade’, DPG64, is now thought to be by Govert Camphuysen (1623/4–72).LITERATURESlatkes 1978, pp. 327–63; Schnackenburg 1981; Schnackenburg 1984; Pelletier, Slatkes & Stone-Ferrier 1994; Phagan & Eiland 1996; Schnackenburg 1996c; Van der Coelen 1998; Van Thiel-Stroman 2006f; Ebert 2013; Saur, xciii, 2017, pp. 528–30 (G. Seelig); Ecartico, no. 5805: http://www.vondel.humanities.uva.nl/ecartico/persons/5805 (Sept. 17, 2017); RKDartists&, no. 61082: https://rkd.nl/en/explore/artists/61082 (Sept. 17, 2017)....

... tury, although it is more probable that they were just repeating what they had read. In 1876 Sparkes however gives ‘1647’, with a question mark, probably because this contradicts the three previous authors, who were to be taken seriously.Smoking and drinking – which were closely associated – were particularly popular subjects for Dutch and Flemish genre painters in the 17th century, and Ostade was no exception, producing numerous small-scale didactic pictures with these themes throughout his career (see also DPG98).DPG115 seems to be a simplified version of an earlier picture (1643) by Ostade, now in Geneva, which shows a comparable interior of an inn with more figures (Related works, no. 1b). Three Peasants at an Inn was a celebrated picture, and was engraved under the title Jan de Moff (John the Jerry, i.e. the German) by Jonas Suyderhoef (c. 1613 –86; Related works, no. 2a) [2], who produced a series of engravings after Adriaen van Ostade.18 Its accompanying verses sing about the joys of tobacco, beer and music. Suyderhoef made another print after a very similar scene by Adriaen Brouwer, accompanied by verses in Latin praising tobacco, wine and food (Related works, no. 2b). According to Eddy de Jongh the Latin verses next to the print after Brouwer are an example of the ‘paradoxical panegyric’, where by praising things they are criticized.19 That could also be the case with the Dutch verses next to the Jan de Moff print.Vivian argued that DPG115 might be one of a series of the five senses that had been in the collection of the Venetian painter Giovanni Antonio Pellegrini (1675–1741): ‘Cinque Quadretti rappnti li 5 sentim.’ The Dulwich picture would in that case represent Hearing.20 That is a possibility, although the drinking and smoking are as prominent as the music-making, but that happens in other representations of Hearing as well. More important is the fact that the other four senses are missing. That the picture remained popular is shown by three 19th-century copies (Related works, nos 3c–3e).Murray suggested that this might be the Ostade ‘Boors Singing’ that Desenfans offered in his 1795 sale (lot 54). This seems unlikely, however, as that picture had a pendant and the two had repeatedly appeared in his sales since 1785. It may have been acquired after his 1802 sale, where it does not appear....

... 3].272) Adriaen van Ostade, A Peasant courting an Elderly Woman, signed and dated Av. Ostade. / 1653, panel, 27.3 x 22.1 cm. NG, London, NG2542.28Hofstede de Groot considered that this dated from late in Ostade’s career, a period when he increasingly concentrated on modest scenes of peasants enjoying the pleasures their station in life afforded them. There is also a degree of nobility in these peasants that is absent from those in his earlier riotous tavern scenes: they have carefully individualized features rather than generic masks. The painting is typically constructed in a range of earth tonalities, accented by highlights of localized colour in the white headscarf, the red top, and the foliage outside. A similar scene by Ostade of an older man and woman sitting by a window with leaded lights is A Peasant courting an Elderly Woman (Related works, no. 2), dated 1653; the difference between that and this late picture reveals a major shift in both mood and in style.DPG45 may have been in Desenfans’ possession from about 1790–91, and it was definitely included in his 1802 sale of ‘Polish’ pictures. It is conceivable that it may have been originally purchased for Stanislaus II Augustus Poniatowski, King of Poland (1732–98). It is the sort of representative sample of Ostade’s late style that would have been appropriate for a royal or national collection....

... n Hall Museum, Barnsley, A1942.30DPG98 has been considered to form a pair with DPG113 since Britton’s inventory in 1813. That is however not likely, as not only are the dimensions different but the compositions face the same way, which is not usual in a pair. Two pictures in Barnsley, slightly larger, also depict a woman drinking and a man smoking, but turned towards each other; they are more likely to have been meant as a pair (Related works, nos 1a and 1b). They are dated in the 1660s; DPG98 was probably also painted late in Ostade’s career. This is another example of Ostade’s numerous small-scale didactic pictures with the subjects of smoking and drinking (see also DPG115).Denning in his catalogues thought that DPG98 was by Dusart and the signature a forgery, but this has been discounted by all subsequent writers. DPG98 and DPG113 seem to have entered Bourgeois’ collection near the end of his life: no similar works are recorded in Desenfans’ earlier inventories or sales.31...

... ankard, and leaning on a window frame, signed Av. ostade [Av as monogram], c. 1648–59, etching, 200 x 156 mm. BM, London, 1855,0114.210.382c) Adriaen van Ostade, A man seated at a table directed to the right, holding a pipe, leaning on the back of a chair, signed Av.Ostade.[Av as monogram], c. 1652, etching, 70 x 54 mm. BM, London, 1855,0114.208.39Like drinking (see DPG98 – with which DPG113 is no longer considered to form a pair), smoking was favoured as a subject by 17th-century Dutch and Flemish genre painters.40 Ostade seems to have been particularly fascinated by it, tackling the subject in paintings (Related works, nos 1a–1c) [4] and in prints (Related works, nos 2a–2c).41 Smoking could be seen as a vice, closely related to drinking alcohol.42 One of the Ostade prints (Related works, no. 2a) [5] was republished in 1716, where it is accompanied by verses that speak of tobacco helping to drive all cares from one’s head.43 However some lines further down, smoke, and the act of smoking, are seen as a symbol of the frailty of human life: ‘As I see [tobacco smoke] driven by the wind dispersed in the thin air, then I see it as a model of my life’ (Related works, no. 2b).44 Although these two meanings are given in an 18th-century source, we can safely assume that they were the same in the 17th century, as was the idea that smoking was a vice. Hence an image of a smoker such as DPG113 could have different meanings for different people at the same time....

... Longueil Sculp.; and Du Cabinet de Mr. Poullain), etching, 205 x 173 mm (Basan 1781, no. 67). BM, London, 1853,1008.387 [7].481d) After no. 1a, same orientation as 1a: Alexis Chataignier and Edme Bovinet, Un Estaminet (A Tavern), inscriptions, c. 1810, engraving and etching, 167 (trimmed) x 139 mm. BM, London, 1856,0308.916 [8].491e) Tapestry copy of the central scene. Kinnaird collection, Cullen.50DPG619 depicts a group of peasants seated under a trellis at a table outside an inn. It seems to be a crude and simplified 18th-century copy in reverse of Ostade’s prime version, Peasants at an Inn of 1676 in Kassel (Related works, no. 1a) [6]. There is also a drawing by Ostade in the Dutuit Collection, Paris, which has the same orientation as the Kassel picture and was made in the same year (Related works, no. 1b)....

... raises the possibility that it was copied from some other related source or a lost original. It is unlikely that it was based on the print entitled Un Estaminet made when the Kassel picture was in the Musée Napoléon (Related works, no. 4), as the image there is the other way round....

Prague School DPG353

... N. Kalinsky; reminiscent of work by Frans Floris (I)).TECHNICAL NOTESThree-member oak panel, with horizontal grain. The paint is thinly applied. The panel has a slight warp and a large split in the central member has been repaired. There are some chips along the right edge and many discoloured retouchings. The varnish is yellowed and very shiny. Previous recorded treatment: 1952–5, Dr. Hell.RELATED WORKS1a) Joseph Heintz I, Satyrs and Nymphs, signed and dated IO HE[in ligature]intz. F. 1599, copper, 24 x 32 cm (oval). Alte Pinakothek, Munich, 1579 [1].141b) Preliminary study for 1a (?): Joseph Heintz I, Satyrs and Nymphs, 1599 or be...

... t is presumably significant that one of the female nudes holds what appear to be reins (although it is only one line, and it doesn’t continue to the right); it is unclear whether the old man is intended to be Neptune, as he does not hold a trident. Cartwright himself did not know what the subject of the picture was, as shown by his description of it in his inventory....

British School DPG413

... isscher IIDPG413 – Boy with a Candle and Girl with a Mousetrap...

... (1592–1656) in Brunswick (Related works, no. 3) [2]. Honthorst specialized in this kind of light effect, which he developed from Italian (Caravaggio (1571–1610)) and Spanish (El Greco (1541–1614)) examples. The girl there is blowing fire tongs in the light of a torch and the soldier grabs her bare breast: the painting has an explicit sexual meaning.The figures in DPG413 are much younger than Honthorst’s soldier and girl, at least the boy is, and our girl with the mousetrap is decently covered by her dress. However the mousetrap had an amorous meaning in Dutch emblematical publications of the early 17th century: in Daniël Heinsius’s Emblemata Amatoria (1607/8) and Jacob Cats’ Sinne- en Minnebeelden (1627) mousetraps with mice in them and often a cat lurking, with or without a Cupid, are warnings not to be trapped by lust. The boy’s candle is a warning of the brevity and danger of lust.11 In paintings by fijnschilders such as Gerard Dou (1613–75) and Adriaen van der Werff (1659–1722; Related works, nos 4–6) [3] the mousetraps are accompanied by children, who seem to be playing with them (or with birdcages, which have the same meaning). Why in Cartwright’s inventory the figures are called ‘fools’ is not clear, as they do not have any attribute that refers to jesters (such as the fool’s cap seen in Cartwright’s Jester, DPG512). Probably he thinks they are foolish, because they will be trapped by the symbolic candle and mousetrap....

Flemish School DPG14

... D. Teniers II); Richter & Sparkes 1880, p. 159, no. 56 (‘D. Teniers I; Formerly ascribed to Teniers the Younger, but showing an earlier style’); Richter & Sparkes 1892 and 1905, p. 4, no. 14; Cook 1914, pp. 10–11, no. 14;2 Cook 1926, p. 10; Cat. 1953, p. 38; Murray 1980a, p. 57 (‘Flemish School (?)’);3 Murray 1980b, p. 13; Beresford 1998, p. 297 (Flemish School); Jonker & Bergvelt 2016, p. 322 (Flemish School); RKD, no. 282859: https://rkd.nl/en/explore/images...

Philips Wouwerman DPG78, DPG91, DPG18

... ed, scenes of hunting parties at rest such as DPG78 were thought to have amorous connotations, providing young men with the opportunity to woo ladies – as can be seen here.113 At the same time, there is still a hint of Wouwerman’s Bambocciante origins in the figure of the beggar, whose supplicating hat echoes that of the nobleman in yellow, and in the defecating dog.About the provenance of this picture much is unclear. It was definitely in the collection of the Chevalier d’Orléans in 1739, when Jean Moyreau made an etching after it (Related works, no. 2a) [1], and not in the collection of the Duc d’Orléans as is often said.114 It is not completely certain that it was in the collection of the Marquis d’Argenson: in the inventory of c. 1750 there it was called Dépar pour la chasse à l’oiseau (Departure for hunting with birds), while it is clearly a hunting party at rest in the middle of nature; but the mention in the inventory of around 1750 of the provenance from the collection of the Chevalier d’Orléans makes it likely that it is the same picture. It is unclear, however, how it came into the possession of the Marquis, or how it left his collection. Movement between England and the Continent in the 1790s is highly unlikely. Smith, Denning and Murray asserted that DPG78 was bought by Desenfans at the J. Danser Nijman (or Nyman) sale in Amsterdam in 1797. Fredericksen rejected that, stating that in two annotated copies of the 1797 sale catalogue the buyer was given as ‘Van Zanten’ (or ‘Van Santen’, probably the dealer Van Santvoort).115 That would however not exclude Desenfans as the buyer, as ‘Van Zanten’ could have been a middleman. According to Fredericksen, DPG78 appeared in London in the 1806 sale of the collection of George Crauford (Crawford), a Scottish merchant whose family had long been resident in Rotterdam and whose brother James was British Consul General there.116 However Fredericksen does not seem to know that DPG78 is very likely to be the work mentioned in the Desenfans Insurance list of 1804, and consequently already in the Desenfans/Bourgeois collection at that time. Most if not all the pictures in that Insurance list are still at Dulwich. In any case, Bourgeois bought another Wouwerman hunting picture at Christie’s in 1801, now in an American private collection (Related works, no. 4)....

... ’Orléans), etching, 355 x 473 cm; Moyreau 1737–62, no. 31. BM, London, 1847,0305.72.1315) Philips Wouwerman, Departure for Falconry, panel, 47 x 63 cm. Present whereabouts unknown (Lempertz, Cologne, 12 May 2012, lot 1263).1326) Philips Wouwerman, The Departure for the Chase, black chalk, pencil, wash in grey and black and pen in black ink, 250 x 346 mm. Teylers Museum, Haarlem, P+031.133Duparc has dated the picture to the first half of the 1660s,134 as has Schumacher. It demonstrates the great facility with which Wouwerman could produce such a painting by the 1660s: long, linear compositions with the sky occupying nearly three-quarters of the area are typical of his late works.As with DPG78, the earlier provenance is unclear. Denning suggests Willem Lormier (1682–1758), based on the information in Smith (1829, no. 55), although Smith himself says that ‘the brevity of the descriptions [in the Lormier sale catalogue of 1763] prevents them being correctly identified’.135 According to Murray it was included in the 1795 Desenfans sale.136 The Orléans collection is mentioned by Schumacher, where at least four hunting scenes by Wouwerman were etched by Jean Moyreau (Related works, nos 1b, 2b, 3, 4), of which three have at some time been wrongly associated with DPG91. Indeed, a large number of pictures with the title Return from the Chase were produced by Wouwerman and appeared on the London art market in the late 1790s and early 1800s. In the 1802 Desenfans sale there is a description of a very similar picture with a boat that has led to some confusion (‘There are also seen people bathing and a boat with oars, in which are two men’).137 This could be the picture that was recently at auction (Related works, no. 5).Wouwerman probably used drawings to prepare his paintings, such as one in the Teylers Museum with a group of people, in that case preparing to depart (Related works, no. 6)....

... figures. Previous recorded treatment: 1952–3, Dr Hell; 1982, sight box made for display, National Maritime Museum.RELATED WORKS1) (original) Philips Wouwerman, The Hayfield, monogrammed PHILS. W (PHILS in monogram), first half of the 1650s or c. 1660–68, canvas, 67.3 x 78.8 cm. Royal Collection Trust, RCIN 405334 [3].144DPG18 is an 18th- or very early 19th-century copy with minor variations after Wouwerman’s original in the Royal Collection, as was already observed by Richter & Sparkes in 1880 – a picture whose silvery tonalities suggest it is probably a late work, as Shawe-Taylor noted.145 According to Schumacher, however, the original picture was painted in the first half of the 1650s. It is unclear exactly when DPG18 was painted, but it is surely significant that as the original entered England in 1810–11 DPG18 is unlikely to be of English manufacture....

Philips Wouwerman DPG77, DPG97

... LS. W’ (‘PHILS’ in monogram). His earliest known work is dated 1639, so it would seem that DPG77 was produced between those dates, when he was in his early twenties. Wouwerman’s pictures from this period are strongly influenced both stylistically and in subject matter by the everyday scenes of Pieter van Laer, with features such as the use in the foreground of sombre earthy browns enlivened by areas of local colour, and the diagonal created by the silhouette of the inn and the road. Duparc suggested that DPG77 dates from 1642/3.18 The man lying down in the left foreground has some similarity to a figure by Cornelis Saftleven (1607–81) in a drawing and a painting of about the same time (Related works, nos 2a, 2b) [1-2].If indeed this and DPG79 were sold in 1776 from the collection of Jean Pâris de Monmartel, Marquis de Brunoy (1690–1766), they were sold as pendants. In 1842 Mrs Jameson suggested that they were two pictures ‘sold from the collection of the Marquis de Brunoy, in 1749, for 216l’. Both date and price do not agree with the only recorded Brunoy sale, in 1776, but the pairing was echoed by later writers.19 In 1795 they appeared not as a pair in the sale of pictures owned by Desenfans, and the presence of the later type of signature, ‘PHILS . W’, on DPG79 seems to suggest that they were not created as such. They were inherited by Bourgeois in 1807.20...

... 7 is an early work, similar to the Horseman at Rest in Leipzig (Related works, no. 1) [3], which is dated 1646. Frederik Duparc has suggested a date of c. 1647–9,32 which seems likely, given the signature style of ‘PHILS . W’ (‘PHILS’ in monogram), which came into use in 1646. The diagonal skyline and coarse figures are typical of Wouwerman’s work when he was heavily under the influence of Pieter van Laer. On the other hand, Richter & Sparkes and later Hofstede de Groot suggested that the depth of colouring shows the influence of Isaac van Ostade (1621–49), who was also living in Haarlem when Wouwerman painted this picture.The Grey Horse in the Rijksmuseum, from about the same period, is similar in colouring and dimensions, and seems to depict the same horse with a red saddle, facing the other way (Related works, no. 2) [4].According to Desenfans’ 1802 catalogue DPG97 was apparently acquired from a collector in Amsterdam. As it does not seem to appear in Dutch sale catalogues between 1790 and 1802 it is likely that its earlier provenance will continue to be obscure....

Philips WOUWERMAN

... ised 24 May 1619–Haarlem, 19 May 1668, buried 23 May 1668Dutch painter and draughtsman...

... ction. According to both the Evening Mail inventory of 1790–91 and the list of ‘Pictures to be sold’ of the early 1790s the Desenfans/Bourgeois house had a ‘Wouwerman’s Room’ with eight pictures; three pictures by him appear in the 1804 Insurance list, which means that they were considered to be of high value. In 1813 in the Bourgeois house there were twelve pictures called ‘Wouvermans’. Two more pictures in the Dulwich collection had Wouwerman connections. The portrait by Rembrandt (1606/7–69) now thought to be possibly a portrait of his son Titus (DPG221) was believed to depict Philips Wouwerman; and a landscape now attributed to Roelof Jansz. van Vries (1630/31–after 1681; DPG7) was said by Wijnants to have figures by Wouwerman. Keeper Ralph Cockburn (1779–1820) chose no fewer than five Wouwerman pictures for his series of aquatint reproductions of the Dulwich collection (DPG97, DPG182, DPG92, DPG78 and DPG193). Several of the Dulwich Wouwerman pictures were chosen by the Royal Academy to be copied by its pupils, in both the 19th and the 20th centuries,3 and one was chosen to be discussed in the Penny Magazine in 1841 (DPG182).Philips Wouwerman fell from favour from the mid-19th century on, but there has recently been a revival of interest in his work.LITERATUREChong 1987h; Atwater 1989, iv, pp. 1503–99; Duparc 1993; Duparc 1996; Anderman 2004; Schumacher 2006; Van Thiel-Stroman 2006l; Duparc & Buvelot 2009; Wuestman 2009; Ecartico, no. 8425: http://www.vondel.humanities.uva.nl/ecartico/persons/8425 (March 17, 2018; as Philips Pouwelsen Wouwerman); RKDartists&, no. 85690: https://rkd.nl/en/explore/artists/85690 (March 17, 2018)....