RKD STUDIES

4.4 The Spanish Faction, Giovanni Vasanzio and Van Honthorst

... l army when they fought the Protestants near Prague in 1620. In sum, Paul V and the Discalced Carmelites seem to have entered into an alliance that was political as well as religious.The alliance was not only between the two parties. Paul V was elected at a conclave of 1605 with strong support from the Spanish. In return, he rewarded his supporters in many ways, such as beatification or canonisation of those who were popular among Spaniards and awarding benefits to the related parties. The protection of the Discalced Carmelites was included in this agenda.It should be noted as well that the activities of the newly established order involved many architectural projects. For example, in November 1613, Santa Maria della Scala wanted to extend its monastery and tried to obtain a house owned by the brotherhood of Campo Santo. A papal order of expropriation was issued, and it was the Borghese’s architect, Joannes van Santen (Giovanni Vasanzio, c. 1550-1621), who was appointed to make a valuation.40 The agreement was completed successfully, so Vasanzio was in a position to do the Carmelites a favour....

... ain entry to his circle.43 In addition, Giovanni Vasanzio maintained relationships with his fellow countrymen. For example, in 1616 he was reported to have witnessed a fight in Piazza Navona, when he accompanied his fellow countrymen. He also had a tombstone made for a painter called Willem van Weede (1593-1614) from Utrecht, who died in 1614 at the age of 21.44 Next to nothing is known about Van Weede, other than the fact that he was born in 1593 and left Utrecht for Rome in September 1612. And this deceased painter was a cousin of the Pope’s architect; their mothers were sisters.45...

... holds a candle for him. It is certainly far-fetched, but it is tempting to think that the subject matter refers to Giovanni Vasanzio’s career as a carpenter/ cabinetmaker, one of whose patron saints is St Joseph.54 From the stylistic point of view, such as the simple spatial construction and rather abrupt transition from light to dark especially around the nose of Christ and the top extremity of the candle, the work could predate the St Teresa altarpiece in Genoa (or was made at around the same time, and definitely not much later), and it could have been a kind of test piece before he was officially assigned the altarpiece. The subject featuring the patron saint of Giovanni Vasanzio’s profession, the important mediator, and the austere but benign atmosphere of the work would have demonstrated the artist’s gratitude as well as his skill, which made him more than up to the task.Let us return briefly to Dirck van Baburen. The possible connection between Vasanzio and Van Honthorst has been examined, but is there one in Van Baburen’s case? It is known that he too worked for the Spanish faction around the Borghese, as his patron Cusside was the representative of Spanish king and the Borghese supported San Pietro in Montorio with a donation as well.55 So far, it is only circumstantial, but the possibilities of Vasanzio’s intervention should be further investigated. For example, the design of Pietà chapel was designed either by Carlo Maderno or by Giovanni Vasanzio, with whom Maderno often collaborated. In any event, the timing coincides; the painter obtained the first commission from the Spaniards around 1614, just after Vasanzio attained the post as the Borghese’s architect.56...

... ntly, though, the research of Gregor Weber made it clear that Ter Brugghen studied not only Ribera, but also works of Alonzo Rodriguez (1578-1648), which can be interpreted as an interest in Spanish taste.58...

... Pope’, and his architect from Utrecht seems to have been the first open door for the Utrecht Caravaggisti to the powerful clienteles of the Spanish faction. Giovanni Vasanzio may not have paid a penny for the painters, but if the Dutch painters had a reliable fatherly patron in the etern...

3.5 From Rome to Turin: Open Questions

... imilar in terms of subject and size: the Hunt of Diana [35] of the Musei Civici in Genoa, currently held in the Palace of Venaria Reale near Turin,64 and the Hunt of Diana [36] in Benappi Fine Art.65 The repetition of some details, such as the bloodhound caressed by Diana and the inclusion in the foreground of the still life with rabbit and doe that represent the spoils of the hunt, suggests that Miel reused them at his patrons’ requests. Given the style of these two paintings, they must belong to Miel’s years in Turin. What is more, they depict on a small scale the subject of the hunt, a theme that Miel had not explored in Rome, but which he had executed on a monumental scale in the Palace of Venaria Reale as a series of paintings on the themes of the hunt and the story of Diana.66 Miel also painted sacred subjects, such as the Annunciation in a private collection in Piedmont, discovered years ago by Alberto Cottino, of which the original location is still unknown.67In conclusion, this selective analysis of Miel’s overall pictorial production reveals a versatile painter, who on one hand was able to develop a personal language that combined Flemish and Roman artistic culture, and on the other could adapt his style to the context in which he was working in order to satisfy his patrons....

6.2 Jan van Beyghem : from Mechelen to Ferrara

... nhuis, a building close to the diamond workshop of the Van Beyghem family where, as we read in the documents in the City Archives of Mechelen, Jan spent his childhood.22The social network that the family of the painter established in their home town probably supported him in his move to Italy for his professional training – first in Rome and then in Ferrara, as many Flemish artists did at the time, or perhaps in Ferrara first and only later in Rome, thanks to the influence of the papal nuncio, who at the time was one of the most influential patrons of Northern artists, from Van Dyck to Claude Lorrain (1604/5–1682).23 The name of the Bentivoglio family appears several times in the documents concerning Jan van Beyghem in Ferrara.24 It was also not unusual for Northern artists to be welcomed in the Bentivoglio house in Rome: a ‘master Gian’, often referred to as ‘maistre Jan’ in French, appears from 1618 in the correspondence between Parma and Ferrara of the Bentivoglio family, thanks to a very close friendship with marchese Enzo, Guido’s brother. In May 1645 another name appears at the top of the list of servants of the Bentivoglio family in Rome: ‘Monsù Gianni’ who, according to Fabris, might have been a Flemish artist, a musician, or most likely a painter.25From a stylistic point of view, Jan van Beyghem's treatment of objects and fabrics shows a great maestria in realising some technical traits, recalling the Flemish obsessive attention to details [2]. His works are close to Italian paintings not only because he spent some time in Rome but probably also because he reached Italy very young. Here he met exponents of Flemish and French Caravaggism; his style can be seen as a synthesis between Nicolas Tournier (1590–1638/9) [3-5] and Simon Vouet (1590–1649) [6-9]. He could also enrich his painting, and look at contemporary Emilian masters such as Carlo Bononi (1569–1632) and Giovanni Francesco Barbieri, known as Guercino (1591–1666) [10-11].26...

... ce on the artist provides us not only with details of his career developed between the centre and its hinterland but also reveals a man with a difficult character, which led him to frequent disputes. Among these we find the rape of Dorotea Savani, a poor 15-year-old servant, who served Van Beyghem in his house in Ferrara. The assault was perpetrated there, and the painter managed to get away with the crime without being charged with any type of punishment, since the victim was of humble origin: in the end he only paid a sum of money.32 The sum of ‘lire 125’ in Ferrarese coins was equivalent to almost one third of the value of the rooms (a kitchen and a cellar) located in Ferrara in the parish of Santo Stefano, which the painter had pawned in that same year as a security deposit.33 All this happened in 1651, when Giovanni van Beyghem was 50 years old, and had already had three marriages and three daughters. These aspects of his personality perfectly embody the dark side of the Baroque.34 That may seem of secondary importance, but in fact it plays a crucial role in some still little-known itineraries of the Flemish Masters of Mobility of 17th-century Italy....

5.1 Brussels Artists among the Fiamminghi

... s, the Archdukes embraced the visual language of antiquity as an expression of the authority of court and church, and largely employed artists who had worked in Italy or who were knowledgeable in the antique tradition. The appointment of the architect, painter, and antiquarian Wenzel Coebergher (ca. 1560-1634) [3] as their first court artist in 1605 — four years before Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640) — was a testament to their ambitions.26 Coebergher, who had spent twenty years in Naples and Rome, became critical in shaping the city’s artistic landscape with a renewed visual language, evident in his most important project for the Archdukes, the pilgrimage church of Scherpenheuvel, which encompassed painting, sculpture, and architecture.This artistic and cultural environment would have significantly impacted the young Duquesnoy, who began his career by training with his father, the sculptor Jérôme Duquesnoy I (ca. 1570-1650), around 1611-1612.27 Jérôme the Elder worked regularly for the archducal court under the auspices of Coebergher on major sculptural commissions both within and outside of the city. Although few of these sculptures survive, the monumental tabernacle in the Church of St. Martin in Aalst [4], just outside of Brussels, for example, demonstrates the scope and character of Jérôme the Elder’s work, as well as his reception of a classicizing idiom.28 By 1618, Duquesnoy had decided to undertake the journey south. He sought the support of the Archdukes, and submitted a petition requesting a financial stipend for two to three years of study in Rome. According to the document, this period would enable him to the study the antique and improve his art (‘pour s’esvertuer davantaige au faict de son art’).29 The sculptor’s devotion to antique sculpture once he settled in the city was indicative of his Brussels training, then stimulated by a direct and ongoing encounter with Rome’s monuments and the dialogues that ensued with like-minded artists.In comparison to Duquesnoy, little is known about Cousin, Spierincks, and Sweerts’ education and training in Brussels. Spierincks registered as a pupil of the painter Michel de Bordeaux (1579-1627) in 1612, and Cousin is documented as an apprentice of Gilles Claessens in 1618.30 No records document Sweerts’ registration in the guild or his artistic training, but the painter Theodoor van Loon (1581/2-1649) [5], who spent his career between Brussels and Rome, was likely a pivotal artistic model for the young painter’s development of a classicizing style and poignant naturalism.31 Despite the lack of documentation on these artists’ early careers, they each would have encountered the distinctive blend of Flemish and Italian traditions that took shape across Brussels’ landscape, and witnessed the ways in which a classicizing visual language served the needs of the Counter-Reformation. Their motivations for traveling south would have been similar to Duquesnoy’s, and they probably realized that Rome held rich potential in the short and long-term.32 These circumstances must have impacted their decision not to return north immediately — or at all. Although Duquesnoy, for instance, was presumably expected to return to the Netherlands in the service of the court, he never did. Whether this decision reflected the changing political circumstances after Albert’s death in 1621, which reverted rule of the Southern Netherlands back to Spain, or resulted from abundant opportunity (or more likely a combination thereof), it gave rise to Duquesnoy’s prominent and respected place within the Roman art world....

Introduction

... make a somewhat artificial distinction between Flemish and Dutch schools, as he himself (with some discomfort) was the first to admit. From the 17th-century Italian perspective there wasn’t a sharp distinction between artists who came from the Dutch Republic and those who came from the Southern Netherlands. In contemporary sources they were both called ‘fiamminghi’ or ‘fiamenghi’, regardless of their city of origin.2 It is also worth noting that the number of Southern Netherlandish artists present in 17th-century Italy largely exceeded that of the artists from the Northern Netherlands, as Rieke van Leeuwen’s systematic statistical analysis of the recently updated biographical data from RKDartists makes clear....

... Miel, a native of Beveren, who worked in Rome for 25 years before moving to Turin. He enjoyed the privilege of receiving various public commissions and of working with Italian artists of great repute such as Andrea Sacchi and Pietro da Cortona. Francesca Romana Gaja carefully reconstructs his career path, and also draws attention to his often overlooked production of small devotional paintings on copper....

... ound, since Brussels was the only Catholic Habsburg court city in the Low Countries. It is surprising that two of the Utrecht Caravaggisti, Dirck van Baburen and Gerard van Honthorst, received support from Spanish patrons, since the former probably came from a Protestant family. In her essay Michiko Fukaya analyses the social network around Baburen and Honthorst that may have included the successful – hence well-conn...

... amily. The study of the presence of Netherlandish artists in the smaller centres of culture and commerce of the Italian penisula appears to be a fruitful venue of research. A collection of essays on Dutch and Flemish artists in southern Italy is about to appear,4 and new studies on foreign artists in the city of Livorno are under way.5...

... of the works that he painted on Roman soil has been traced. Other painters who stayed in Rome for just one or two years largely concentrated on gathering study material by making drawings of the buildings and ruins of modern and ancient Rome and its surroundings. They then used this material once they were back in the Netherlands....

... o the fact that the Netherlandish landscape tradition forged...

... included in her PhD thesis, to be presented at the University of Amsterdam. The essay by Kirsten Derks published here focuses on Michael Sweerts, the most gifted among the painters of Roman genre scenes (Bambocciat...

... oet Constantijn Huygens somehow regretted that Lievens and Rembrandt did not venture on a trip of some months to Italy. There were many aspects of the artistic exchange between Italy and the Low Countries in the 17th century. Artists, works of art, ideas – all travelled across Europe, contributing to the extraordinary cultural vibrancy of the age.Gert Jan van der SmanDutch University Institute for Art History (NIKI), Florence...

... ederlands Instituut Rome, 20–21 Sept. 2018, Rome 2023 (to be published)...

... the archival sources’, Simiolus. Netherlands quarterly for the history of art 43 (2021), 1–2, p. 73–104...

8.4 The Key is in the Music Book(s)

... dignitaries and weddings, a limited number of people enjoyed the performances of cantatas, which were played in a chamber music-like setting.30The subject of secular cantatas is usually love in all its aspects and consequences. Contemporary or classical literature serve as thematic inspiration, but so do pivotal moments in the lives of the person involved or of the commissioner of the compositions, such as a marriage, the birth of a child, a newly acquired job, retirement from a monastery, to name a few.31 Many music books are eye-catching and feature exquisite bindings to match the exclusive compositions and other embellishments specially crafted for each manuscript. Although the preciousness on the outside does not necessarily match the wealth of ornamentation on the inside and vice versa, many bindings feature ornamentation to accompany the cantatas: calligraphic initials, decorative initials with zoomorphic, vegetal or anthropomorphic motifs, vignettes, or all these in various combinations.Such an excess of elegance and preciousness indicates that these volumes were intended for collectors. They ordered copies of these music books and their decorations for personal use.32 Such manuscripts were also donated as valuable objects to like-...

... tions came before the music or vice versa, since the craftsmen involved in their execution – scribes and decorators – did not work on the same pages at the same time.38 Consequently, the texts of the Casanatense cantatas do not refer to the subjects of the respective drawings. Seven vignettes depict scenes from Ovid's Metamorphoses;39 four contain episodes from other literature;40 ten others show landscapes with prominent genre scenes in the foreground;41 the remaining seven show views of Rome during Carnival.42 Several of these give reason to situate the artist in Rome around the mid-17th century....

... Paul Bril in the Allegory of the months January and February [57] engraved by Aegidius Sadeler II (1568–1629) in 1615. An illustration of the event is also included in Pompilio Totti's (c. 1590-ca. 1644) city guide Ritratto di Roma Moderna from 1638 and in later editions.44...

... auguration of the Four Rivers fountain took place on 12 June 1651, Palazzo Ornano, the characteristic tower-palace on the left at the corner of via dell'Anima, was bought by the Pamphilij family and demolished in October 1653 to make way for the church of Sant'Agnese.47 Therefore, the carnival depicted must have taken place in 1652 or 1653....

... njoyed such relaxation in addition to spiritual meditations.54 In the second drawing, a servant provides a couple of pilgrims with lunch, while another couple relaxes, sitting on the ground.55 In the far right background, just beyond the hill, is the pyramid of Cestius, and the church of S. Paolo fuori le mura, one of the stages of Thursday's pilgrimage.According to the literature, the pilgrimage to the seven churches could not take place every year because of plague epidemics, holy years, sede vacante, or bad weather conditions. For unknown reasons, the 1653 pilgrimage did not take place, at least there are no records of the number of participants. 56 Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that the drawings refer to the year 1652....

10.4 Venetian Nudes in Five Muses on Mount Parnassus

... he choice in artists by Jacob van Campen (1596–1557) and Huygens, who opted for some of the best followers of Rubens that painted in the same Venetian/Southern Netherlandish style, some of which also trained in his studio: Jordaens, Thomas Willeboirts Bosschaert (1613/14–1654), Theodoor van Thulden (1606–1669), and Pieter Soutman (1593–1657).80Lievens was assigned a spot on the west wall, depicting ‘De muysen besigh met sijn geboorte opte soecken’ (‘the Muses busy looking up his birth star’). Lievens’ composition showed five of the nine muses sitting on Mount Parnassus and formed a group with two paintings by Caesar van Everdingen (1616/1617–1678): The birth of Frederik Hendrik [21] and Four Muses and Pegasus [22]. The composition in the two muse paintings clearly relate to one another: the slope of Mount Parnassus continues from one painting to the other, the hairstyles and poses of several muses are very alike and both pictures are lit from the f...

... itself perfectly to this pictorial subject. Venus was the most obvious deity to be depicted nude, but the subject of Diana at her bath, accompanied by her court of nymphs, would also become popular in Venetian painting in the early 16th century. Of all the nudes, it is the motif of the reclining female nude that has come to be associated most traditionally with Venetian painting.102 Titian’s Poesie series became the fundamental reference for further nude pictorial representations for his contemporaries and painters in centuries to come, like Rubens, and also Lievens.103As referenced earlier, Lievens likely had numerous opportunities to see some paintings from the revolutionary Poesie series. When comparing Lievens’ painting to some of these, it becomes clear that he wasn’t just inspired by the colour palette and technical aspects, but that he also emulated compositions and poses.104 Rubens had a copy of Titian’s Diana and Callisto in his collection and Titian’s work was well known across Europe through engravings.105 For the figure of the commanding muse Urania, Lievens mirrored the pose of Diana, which makes it likely that Lievens knew this painting from a print [23-24]. Lievens painted the muse seen from the back with an elegant curve connecting her ribs to her hips, creating an inverted s-shape [25]. This same feminine line can be seen on the side of the companion holding the arrows in the foreground of Titian’s painting.106 Since Rubens did not slavishly copy Titian’s painting style, his painting can’t serve as a comparison beyond composition.107 However, it is probable that Lievens saw other nude paintings by Venetian painters, for example the Perseus and Andromeda by Titian [15], also part of the Poesie series, once in the collection of van Dyck, and The Muses by Tintoretto [10], once in the collection of Charles I. By drawing inspiration from Diana and Callisto for the composition, it seems Lievens wished to continue the legacy of the famous Venetian nude, which is affirmed by his technique....

... y join separate colour zones and soften the surface appearance of depicted objects.115 This technique can be seen in the face of the muse shown in profile, that has been detailed with a fine contour line and has been fanned out with extreme care [30]. The contours are articulated with further prominent lines, however they hardly ever precisely delineate the figures [31-32].116 The outlines thus consist of several lines running partly parallel, partly over one another.117 The resulting broad, indistinct areas strongly recall the work of the late Titian and other Venetian painters,118 like Tintoretto. Having started as fluid underdrawings, the contours are often transformed into drawn paint strokes. In his painting The Muses, Tintoretto applied rough dry contours that overlap the edge of the body and the beginning of background [33-34].119 The broader areas of transition in Five Muses on Mount Parnassus are quite pronounced, since the painting was intended to be viewed from a distance.120...

... , Lievens’ handling of paint alludes to many of the features that were at the time considered exemplary of the Venetian colorito or the ruwe way of working: visible brushwork; vague forms and contours; and the use of paints of various consistencies. Although Lievens’ image is highly worked, some passages have been left deliberately uncompleted: the two farthermost muses only consist of thin, loose brushstrokes on the transparent brown underpaint. The patchiness of colour and the varied handling of paint shows that Lievens was well acquainted with the style and technique of the Venetian masters.130 For this painting, it seems Lievens was inspired by Venetian art in general and that he referred compositionally and technically to the painting series that made the Venetian nude famous, the Poesie series by Titian. This way, Lievens referred to the tradition of the tactility of the nude. The contrasting handelingen of van Everdingen and Lievens, with disegno enticing the intellect and colorito appealing to lifelikeness and sensuality, make the visitor of the Oranjezaal drawn to Lievens’ nudes and invite them to touch by means of his poeseliche approach....

1.3 The Dataset of 1,604 Artists

... . One of them is the aforementioned Antwerp painter Jan Remeeus, whose work was unknown until recently. On 12 February 1645, he witnessed the baptism of a child of the also Antwerp painter Jan van Vilvoorden (1606?-1659) and his Italian wife Francesca Campana, together with the midwife Agnes Sermonetana, Hoogewerff writes.34 Also, the painter 'Edouardo Goedrehevre (Goedehaeve?)' must be identical to the Antwerp painter Eduart van Goedenhuysen (c. 1617-1649), who had been a pupil of Eduard Snayers (1591-after 1661) and became a master in 1635. Previously, it was not known that he had ever been to Italy. After Goedenhuysen suffered an accident and was ill for two days, he died suddenly in the parish of S. Maria Chiesa in the house where he lived in Horto di Napoli, aged 33, on 30 August 1649.35As Gert Jan van der Sman noted in his introduction to this volume, from a 17th-century Italian perspective, there was no sharp distinction between artists who came from the Northern and Southern Netherlands. In contemporary sources, they were both referred to as 'fiamminghi' or 'fiamenghi', regardless of their origin. However, the dataset from RKDartists shows that the majority of Netherlandish Italy-travellers did come from the Southern Netherlands. There were 1,075 of them, while 'only' 641 artists came from the Dutch Republic. In the case of 112 artists, both 'nationalities' had to be assigned because the artists either had been active in both regions of the Low Countries, or because it could not be determined from which of the two Netherlands they originated [10].Due to the processing of 'De Liggeren' in RKDartists, relatively many Southern Netherlandish artists originating from Antwerp appear in the database; of the 1,075 Flemish artists who visited Italy, 307 were born in Antwerp. It is possible that the number of Southern Netherlanders in Italy will become even larger when places like Brussels, Bruges, Mechelen and Ghent will be better processed in the database. The number of Northern Netherlanders in Italy is presumably smaller than the database now indicates, as it is quite possible that many of the artists with 'dual nationality' will turn out to be Southern Netherlandish after all....

Bibliography

... is Antwerpen, Brussel 2005...

... n: J Woods-Marsden (ed.), Titian: Materiality, Likeness, Istoria, Turnhout 2007...

... isch Und Farbe: Körperlichkeit Und Materialität in Den Gemälden Tizians’, Ermsdetten 2002...

... isseurs. Collecting Art in Seventeenth–Century Europe, Londen 1995...

... arium, Res Pictoriae, Notae Quotidianae En Descriptio Urbis Ultrajectinae (1583–1639), Dr. G. J. Hoogewerff, J. Q....

... ista de Tiziano Museo, Madrid 1987...

... , Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 5, no. 3 (2013)...

... ishing the Shadow: Jan Lievens Comes to Light after 250 Years’, Dutch Crossing 33, no. 2 (2009)...

... is Life and Works, London 1900...

... 1635’, The Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 10, no. 48 (1907)...

... issen van Kunstverzamelingen, Amsterdam 1932...

... iss.), University of Maryland 2006...

... is (2008)...

... netian painting (Master’s thesis), University of Amsterdam 2...

... e Learned Eye: Regarding Art, Theory, and the Artist’s Reputation, Amsterdam 2005...

... et al. (eds.) Aemulatio: Imitation, Emulation and Invention in Netherlandish Art from 1500 to 1800: Essays in Honor of Eric Jan Sluijter, Zwolle 2...

... affung des Menschen im Atelier von der Renaissance bis zum Surrealismus, B. Eschenburg (ed.), Munich 2001...

... ckey et al. (eds.), Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, Washington DC 2009...

... is Mucius Scaevola before Porsenna’, in: R. van Straten, M. Roscam (eds.), Around Rembrandt/ Rond Rembrandt, Leiden 200...

... iss.), Columbia University 1984...

... is Ihrer Kunst, Frankfurt am Main 1996...

... he Collections of Charles I and His Courtiers, K. Serres (ed.), Ne...

... isch und Blut. Rubens' Affektmalerei', in: RubensPassioni. Kultur der Leidenschaften im Barock, U. Heine...

... is legacy, D. Rosand (ed.), New York 1982...

... is, Rubens Unveiled, Notes on the Master’s Painting Technique, Antwerp 2012...

... issance Venice, Boston 2009...

... isten’, Bulletin Du Musée National de Varsovie 37, no. 3/4 (1996)...

... ische Strategieën van Jacob Backer, Govert Flinck, Ferdinand Bol En Joachim von Sandrart, 2013...

... mbodiment in Netherlandish Art. Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art 58 (2007)...

... ist, Princeton (New Jersey) 1979...

... ischmaler: ach oder oh? Notizen zur Hautmalerei bei Rubens', in: Fünfzehn Aufsatze zur Geschichte der Mal...

... ingham Collection’, Journal of the History of Collections 8, no. 1 (1996...

... ish Canon: Karel van Mander’s Schilder–Boeck, Chicago 1991...

... ish and German Painters, from the first edition of the Schilder-boeck (1603-1604), Doornspijk 1994....

... )’, in: Netherlands Yearbook for History of Art, Vol. 50, Groningen ...

... 7th Century Dutch Art Inventories, Inv. No. 1262....

... ist as Collector, Princeton (New Jersey) 1989...

... issance, London 2013...

... mbment of Christ’ over ‘The Raising of Lazarus,’’ Master Dra...

... andt, with a Catalogue Raisonné of His Early Leiden Work 1623–1632, Pete...

... is Paintings, London 1984...

... ischen Seminars der Universiteit München, 9-10 (1964)...

... ists, Sacramento 1974...

... ists, G. Bull (ed. Trans.), Harmondsworth 1965...

... ising of Brinio” — A Second Oil Sketch,’ Hoogsteder Mercury 13/14 (1992)...

... ists. 2, Titian and North Italian Art, Vol. I. Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burchard; 26: 2: Titian, London; Turnhout 2010...

... is Collection’, The Burlington Magazine 132 (1990), no. 1051, p. 680-695...

... es, Papers in Art History from The Pennsylvania State University, R. Fleisher, S. Scott (eds.), College Park 1997...

10.1 Lievens and Venetian Art in London

... ountries and in 1643, the great majority of Howard’s pictures arrived in Antwerp.22 The presence of such a grand collection, which included Titian’s Three Ages of Men [2], must have made an impression on the Antwerp artists and Lievens could have had the opportunity to visit this collection in Antwerp, if not previously in London.23 The Venetians made up the largest group of paintings in his collection, reflecting the predominant taste at the English court. Howard had no fewer than 30 Titians, 15 Bassanos, and substantial groups by Giorgione (1478–1510), Tintoretto and Paolo Veronese (1528–1588).24 Howard owned two of Titian’s late masterpieces, Flaying of Marsyas [3] and The Crowning with Thorns [4], and whereas Charles did not care much for Veronese, Howard’s enthusiasm for his art was boundless, represented by Christ and the Centurion [5].25...

... nce of Orange (1584–1647) gifted Charles I Lievens’ Student Reading by a Turf Fire (before 1628, now lost) and thus Lievens’ reputation preceded him in Whitehall. At the Stuart court, Lievens gained the patronage of the king and painted the royal, members of his family33 and other important courtiers.34 By the time Lievens moved to London, Charles I’s collection had grown to one of the most diverse and substantial in Europe.35 Having started collecting from the age of 10 and with some excellent guidance from his confidant George Villiers, Charles I quickly acquired pictures such as Titian’s Young Woman with a Fur Coat [8] and Jupiter and Antiope, also called the Pardo Venus [9]. By the late 1620s, after the acquisition of the famous art collections of the ruling family in Mantua, the House of Gonzaga, Charles I owned one of Europe’s most important groups of Italian art of the High Renaissance and early Baroque.36 Charles adored Titian above all others, yet he also owned half a dozen from the Bassano family, such as Jacopo Bassano’s (1510–1592) Adoration of the Shepherds,37 and many works by Tintoretto (1518–1594), such as The Muses [10]....