RKD STUDIES

6.7 De afbraak van de stadswal

... fbraak te overhandigen en die verleende in 1828 toestemming. In het najaar van 1829 werd er daadwerkelijk begonnen met de afbraak van de stadsmuur en het afgraven van de wallen. Bij het bolwerk de Morgenster vond op 21 oktober 1829 de publieke aanbesteding plaats van de afbraak van het gedeelte van de stadsmuur aan de noordzijde van de stad tussen het genoemde bolwerk en de molen ‘De Rijn en zon’ [26].495 Het stadsbestuur ging voortvarend te werk, want de vereiste was dat de afbraak van dat stuk op 1 maart 1830 gereed moest zijn. Inmiddels was de muur bij de Plompetoren ook afgebroken en de daarvan afkomstige stenen werden na de genoemde aanbesteding verkocht. Eind december werd een stuk stadsmuur bij de Maliepoort ter afbraak aangeboden en er mocht een rij iepen op de wal, wederom bij de Plompetoren, worden gerooid [27].496 Systematisch werd zo in een paar maanden tijd de hele ommuring geslecht....

5.3 Wat tekende Saftleven?

... ren met een schuin aflopend dak waar een boom uitgroeit [14 en 15]. Na ‘‘t schrickelik Tempeest’ van 1674 is er van het dak en van de boom niets meer over. De toren eindigt dan ook een stuk lager, terwijl de begroeiing is toegenomen, zoals te zien is op een tekening in Brussel [16]....

... ekeningen bij verschillende torens de vroegere aansluiting van de hogere oude stadsmuur met een weergang op bogen te zien, die als bouwspoor overbleef toen bij de modernisering op last van Karel V na 1536 de aarden wal achter de muur werd aangelegd en de middeleeuwse stadsmuur een paar meter werd verlaagd tot borstweringhoogte [17 en 18...

... ier van kijken en weergeven bleek het mogelijk om, in combinatie met archivalische en archeologische gegevens, een nauwkeurig beeld van het uiterlijk en van de inwendige structuur van deze t...

... an verval tegen. Het thema is echter ook breder. Saftleven was zich bewust van de vergankelijkheid. Hij lette mogelijk ook op beelden en bouwwerken die zouden gaan verdwijnen. Voorbeelden hiervan zijn Saftlevens tekeningen van de oude Wittevrouwenpoort en de sloop van de bijbehorende voorpoort [24 en 25], alsook beelden die verwijzen naar wat geweest is, zoals bij de westpoort van kasteel Vredenburg [26-28]....

... de nieuwe stadspoorten komen we niet tegen. Evenmin gebruikte hij ruïne-effecten om te romantiseren....

2.2 Utrechtse motieven

... s en zijn twaalf discipelen naar buiten zijn getreden. Vermoedelijk zijn deze figuren door een andere kunstenaar toegevoegd, maar onbekend is door wie.76 De tekening [27], die waarschijnlijk als voorstudie voor het schilderij heeft gediend, zal in of kort vóór 1641 zijn ontstaan. Het kerkgebouw op het schilderij in Bonn verbindt het Bijbelse verhaal met de woonplaats van de kunstenaar, waardoor de scène extra betekenis krijgt en tot nadenken stemt. In beide gevallen [27 en 28] plaatste de kunstenaar het kerkgebouw in een gefantaseerde omgeving. Het is alsof Saftlevens fascinatie voor topografische onderwerpen zich – paradoxaal genoeg – vanuit de verbeelding van fantasielandschappen heeft ontwikkeld....

... usiast mee.77 Het was een van de manieren om schilderijen en tekeningen aantrekkelijk te maken voor het koperspubliek.Aan de gewoonte, om bestaande bouwwerken in fantasielandschappen weer te geven, zou Saftleven de rest van zijn werkzame leven vasthouden. Soms zijn diens topografische verwijzingen makkelijk te herkennen, zoals in twee Rijnlandschappen uit de vroege jaren 1650 [30 en 31], waar de Domtoren in de achtergrond verschijnt.78 De kerk in een ommuurd stadje langs de oever van een rivier in een bergachtig landschap [32] kan worden geïdentificeerd ...

2.5 Stadsprofiel van 1648

... ortsijde’.103 Uit het gebruik van het woord ‘geoffereerde’ kan worden opgemaakt dat Saftleven de prent aan het stadsbestuur heeft aangeboden en dat er geen sprake is geweest van een initiële opdracht van het stadsbestuur.104Mogelijk hangt de uitgave samen met de op 15 mei 1648 gesloten Vrede van Münster, waarbij Godard van Reede (1588-1648) als afgevaardigde van de provincie Utrecht betrokken was.105 Met dit verdrag kwam een einde aan de Tachtigjarige Oorlog. De prent ging oorspronkelijk vergezeld van een gedrukte beschrijving van Cornelis Booth (1605-1678), de eerste bibliothecaris van de Utrechtse universiteitsbibliotheek en de vader van de in het vorige hoofdstuk genoemde dagboekschrijver Everard Booth (1638-1714). Naar het voorbeeld van de ets vervaardigde Saftleven later twee kleine schilderijtjes, waarvan een op koper en een op paneel [58 en 59]. Daarnaast tekende hij een gezicht op Amersfoort, dat door Steven van Lamsweerde (1618-1686) in prent werd gebracht en door Herman Specht (1604-1665) werd uitgegeven.106...

1.3 Carl Gustaf Wrangel

... of Christian, Duke of Braunschweig-Wolfenbüttel (1599-1626), known as ‘der tolle Halberstädter’, which was a copy of a picture by Van Mierevelt [7]. In the von Essen Collection we still find various Dutch portraits by Anselm van Hulle [1] and Joachim von Sandrart I (1606-1688) [8],23 as well as history paintings by Simon Peter Tilman (1601-1668), Claes Moeyaert (1591-1655), Isaac Isaacsz,24 Salomon Koninck (1609-1656) and Adriaen van Nieulandt (c. 1586/87-1658) [9-14]. These works decorated Christian IV’s beautiful Kronborg Castle until Wrangel expropriated them when Kronborg fell to the Swedes in 1658....

... ...

... sh envoy Harald Appelboom (1612-1674) in Amsterdam, including a winter scene by Jan Steen (1625/6-1679) which is of great art-historical interest on account of this early date [27].27...

Bibliography A — B

... planering 1521-1721, 2 vols. (diss.), Stockholm 2005...

... nd 31 (1913), p. 141-144, 189-294, 241-268...

... istri do Sant’ Andrea delle Fratte (1650-1699), Roma 2012...

... istina, Queen of Sweden ‒ a personality of European civilization (Eleventh exhibition of the Council of Europe)...

... eret Högvakten, RAÄ 216’, UV Rapport 2011: 36 Arkeologisk Förundersökning, Göteborg 2011...

... 26 (1908), p. 1-17...

... iss. Utrecht University), Amsterdam 1935...

... ) San Francisco (The Fine Arts Museum of San Francisco) 1990-1991...

5.1 The Van de Veldes as Court Artists at Greenwich

... hoc missions to record specific battles. It also downplays the business imperative that is a hallmark of their entire careers, spanning both the Dutch and English periods. Indeed, the Van de Veldes had also been considering a move to Italy during the economic downturn in the Dutch Republic — an event that was not necessary, given the success that they found in England.14Whatever the precise motivation for their emigration, such was the kudos of having the Van de Veldes working for him in England, Charles II gave them a further inducement to stay, paying them a salary, via the Admiralty, of £100 each, and allocating them studio space in the building now known as the Queen’s House at Greenwich [3-4].15 In addition, Charles II’s brother, James, Duke of York (1633-1701), later King James II, awarded Van de Velde the Elder a further annual stipend of £50.16 The Van de Veldes’ combined annual royal salary in fact therefore totalled £250. As such, it appears to have outstripped that received by the Principal Painters to Charles II and Charles I, Peter Lely (1618-1680) and Anthony van Dyck (1599-1641), comparisons that speak volumes about the significance of marine painting as an expression of the Stuart kings’ self-image through British sea power.17 Certainly, the Van de Veldes were not the first Dutch marine painters to come to England, and nor were they the first to receive commissions from the English crown, but their arrival came at a time when imperial expansion and the control of maritime trade routes (as fought over in the Anglo-Dutch Wars) was high on the royal agenda. Indeed, the Van de Veldes had a certain advantage over other Netherlandish émigré artists in the hustle for royal favour, during this period when marine painting could be a tool as naval propaganda. The status maintained and developed by the artists in their new country is clear from the fact that they were both painted by society portraitist Godfrey Kneller (1646-1723), another migrant artist from northern Europe. Though both portraits are now lost, they are recorded in prints [1-2] that – although in different media and produced decades apart – suggest that the original paintings may have been pendants.18...

... r their basing themselves in Greenwich was an independent decision they took themselves, or one dictated by the offer of the studio space in the Queen’s House.Either way, Greenwich had various advantages to offer painters specialising in marines. As Karen Hearn has observed, court artists were generally exempt from the protectionist constraints imposed by guilds in the City of London, most notably the Painter-Stainer Company.24 Working in Greenwich, beyond the bounds of the City, the Van de Veldes would certainly have been free from these restrictions. Greenwich was also a sensible base for the Van de Veldes as marine painters because of its position on the ‘royal River’ Thames, between the royal dockyards of Deptford upstream and Woolwich downstream. They thus had ready access to the ships of the fleet, the core subject matter of the Van de Veldes’ work, or as Bainbrigg Buckeridge (1668-1733) put it, basing themselves in Greenwich enabled them ‘to be the more conversant in these things which were [their] continual Study.’25 It is significant in this context not only that their salaries were paid for by order of Admiralty, but that the Elder’s supplementary salary of £50 was awarded personally by James, Duke of York, who had been Lord High Admiral until 1673 and continued actively to assert his influence in maritime affairs subsequently....

... d, animating the space through a combination of original artworks, props and digital interventions [9].29 Despite a relatively short preparation period that began during the Covid-19 lockdowns, the planning process nonetheless produced various insights into the Van de Veldes’ studio practice in Greenwich, which arose through object-focused and site-led research, combined with the examination of archival records, contemporary sources and secondary literature. This contribution presents some of these observations on how the Van de Velde studio in the Queen’s House might have looked, and how it might have functioned practically.30As Daalder has noted, the Van de Veldes’ migration to England prompted a new approach to working practices in the studio. In Amsterdam, the emphasis had been more on father and son’s complementary talents: the Elder in pen painting and the Younger in oils. In England, especially but not exclusively in the context of royal commissions, their working practice became more intertwined.31 Charles II’s instructions for their salaries makes this collaboration explicit:‘Wee have thought fit to allow the salary of One Hundred Pounds per annum unto William Vandeveld the Elder for taking and making of Draughts of Sea Fights, and the like Salary of One Hundred pounds per annum unto William Vandeveld the Younger for putting the said Draughts into Colour.’32...

... latter, and specifically regarding court painters in England, means it is hard to assess how typical or atypical the Van de Velde studio at the Queen’s House was, how ‘Dutch’ or ‘English’ it was, or indeed how helpful such markers are at a time when so many Dutch artists were working in England and the English ‘art world’ was undergoing such a transformation as a result of their presence. We hope however that this contribution will prove a helpful point of reference in due course as further information about other artists’ studios in England comes to light....

4.2 Portraits for the Kentish Gentry

... aracteristics of the Kentish gentry: inheritance of a landed estate (Mersham Hatch near Ashford), education at a university (Cambridge) and one of the London inns of court (Middle Temple), and service to the county as a Justice of the Peace and MP.30 However, he was different from many of them in that he was a deeply learned individual, with extensive intellectual interests, which must have endeared him to the polymath Van Hoogstraten. He was a distinguished theologian and had published a highly regarded Latin commentary on the New Testament in 1659 that ran into several editions and was reprinted at Amsterdam and Frankfurt.31 The diarist John Evelyn heard him preach in the chapel of a neighbouring property in 1663 and referred to him as a ‘worthy person and learned critic, especially in Greek and Hebrew’.32 The sale catalogue of his library, which survives, reveals that his book ownership was much more diverse than that of his contemporaries, and apart from theology and classical literature, there were texts on philosophy, poetry, medicine, geography, and history, in a range of languages (Latin, Hebrew, French, Italian and English).33...

... ack.The full-length, life-size image of Sir Norton is of a format that is not normally used for portraits of the Kent gentry and has no equivalent in terms of its scale in the Knatchbull portrait collection that had been brought together by the mid 17th century. It shows Van Hoogstraten responding to trends that had long been popular in English court portraiture. Knatchbull’s powerful and status-enhancing posture, with one hand propped on a walking stick and the other at his hip, arm akimbo, was used in respective portraits of Charles I by Daniel Mijtens I [12] and Anthony van Dyck [13]....

... ials and the date of 1665. This is a very unusual architectural fantasy in Van Hoogstraten’s output. We seem to be looking from some sort of watery grotto, through columns, to a villa and a garden with sculptures, and up towards ruined building on the hills beyond. One wonders if it was made on commission for Sir Norton, given his interest in the world of Antiquity and Italy. Or did he speculatively gift him the painting in anticipation of patronage, a strategy that he had recommended to young artists?40 Knatchbull had books on architecture and perspective in his library and, in 1626, he and two companions were given an official pass to travel for three years on the continent, with Italy most likely an essential component of their trip.41...

10.4 The Function of Cartwright’s Print Collection

... that collections were looked at in groups and that a collection only really came to life when visitors came. John Evelyn, Samuel Pepys and Robert Hooke (1635-1703) make similar statements in their diaries about visits to collections in London.59 Although there are no known records of visits to Cartwright's collection, we can assume that for him too collecting and showing a collection to visitors was a social activity....

... n, which at the time was home to quite a few Northern and Southern Netherlandish painters who worked in factory-like conditions with local painters to produce large numbers of paintings, including copies, of rather low quality.62 ​Cartwright would thus have bought his paintings from professionals. Looking now at Cartwright's print collection, it is not impossible that his prints were used as models for copying by Cartwright himself or by his visitors, and that amateur paintings were also included in his collection. What can be countered is that there is no trace of painting material to be found in Cartwright's estate, nor does he mention his own work or that of his social circle in his paintings inventory....

... ings in the album may have been produced [with]in Cartwright's social circle, and Cartwright may have shown the prints that were copied alongside the drawings to his visitors....

7.3 Leatherwork and Kwab Frames: Technical Analysis

... e joinery from the middle ages until 1650 when the trade was ended by war in the region.34 This is the first use of dendrochronology to confirm the date of a Leatherwork frame and confirms the appearance of auricular frames in England before other countries, notably the Netherlands, and possibly Italy. Cross-sectional analysis carried out by Dr Tracey Chaplin has established the original decorative surface of the frames at Lacock was a standard oil gilded scheme, comprising a proteinaceous chalk ground, brown coloured oil mordant, and gold leaf.35...

... gly different from the uniform and subtle gilding of kwab and Leatherwork frames with their low relief carving, particularly to Leatherwork.As the beginnings of Leatherwork and kwab coincided with when high status frames commonly became wholly gilded in England and the Netherlands – this expensive development may be shared with the appreciation of low relief auricular silver and gilded embossed leather wall hangings in both countries, and of cast brass church fittings in the Netherlands.In contrast to the framemakers, there was a relatively large transfer of painters between the Netherlands and England. As some Netherlandish painters left England others arrived, including Peter Lely during the early 1640s.42 High quality Leatherwork frames continued to be developed during the interregnum. A rare English frame, by an unknown maker, original to a portrait of The Perryer Family by Peter Lely painted in 1655, has an oak front-frame with mason’s mitres, nailed onto a half-lapped pine back-frame [26].43 This pattern, which owes much to contemporary Florentine frames, is nevertheless highly unusual in that pierced ornament at its centres extends over the painting [27].44This new evidence shows the continued influence of Italian design and construction on English frames throughout the 1630s, but also highlights differences such as the choice of wood and gilding. The same period also saw increasing numbers of Netherlandish kwab designs in print and on other objects. Together, these Italian and Netherlandish influences contributed towards the creation of new Leatherwork frame patterns in England. This article argues that Leatherwork frames imitated Italian forms and used Italian methods of construction but also incorporated influences from Netherlandish kwab ornament to form an entirely new type of European frame. Dendrochronology confirms these new Leatherwork frames were being made a decade before kwab frames appear in the Netherlands....