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Bibliografie
... Arti et Amicitiae, en voorstellende de Prediking van Johannes den Doper’, Algeme...
... red.), P.C. Wonder (1777-1852). Een Utrechter in Londen, tent.cat. Utrecht (Centraal Museum) 2015...
... redius, ‘De schilder Hendrik Voogd en zijn maecenas’, Mededeelingen van het Nederlandsch Historisch Inst...
... M. van Heteren en M. van den Nieuwenhof (red.), Kruseman – Kunstbroeders uit de Rom...
... red.), ‘Een vereeniging van ernstige kunstenaars’. 150 jaar Maatschappij Arti et Amicitiae 1839-1989, Buss...
... red.), F.L. Bastet, De verzameling van mr. Carel Vosmaer (1826-1888), tent.cat. Amsterdam (Rijksprentenkabinet) ...
... rederik Marinus Kruseman 1816-1882. Painter of pleasing landscapes, Schiedam 1998...
... red.), Louis Royer 1793-1868. Een Vlaamse beeldhouwer in Amsterdam, Amsterdam 1994...
... an’, in: J. de Bruijn et al. (red.), Een vreemde man, en die...
... red.), Nederlanders in Parijs (1789-1914). Van Spaendonck, Scheffer, Jongkind, Maris, Kaemmerer, Breitner, Van Gogh, Van Dongen, M...
... de eeuw’, in: E. Geudeker en M. Jonkman (red.), Mythen van het atelier. Werkplaats...
... redikend in de woestijn’, Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 39 (1991), pp. 465-484...
... red.), Willem II. De koning en de kunst, tent.cat. Dordrecht (Dordrechts Museum) / Luxembourg (Musée d’Art de la Vi...
... lhelm II’, in: Asker Pelgrom en Roland Mönig (red.), Gemalt für den König – B.C. Koekkoek un...
... red.), Gemält für den König. B.C. Koekkoek und die luxemburgische Landschaft, Kleve, 2012...
... red.), Karl Brullov. Famous and unknown, St. Petersburg 2013...
... Craft-Giepmans en A. de Vries (red.), Portret in portret in de ...
... red.), Jan Adam Kruseman 1804-1862. ‘Daar waait een geur van liefde en zegen van 's kunstenaars edel doek u tegen’...
... rederik der Nederlanden 1797-1881. Gentleman naast de troon, Nijmegen 2015...
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8.9 Willem de Clercq, een belangrijk contact in 1826-1831
... 729 Tijdens deze avonden werd ook door Kruseman gesproken over politiek, godsdienstige zaken, en werden gedichten voorgedragen of gezongen. Zo schreef De Clercq over een avond in december 1827: ‘Kerkhoff & Kruseman zongen & ik imp[roviseerde] op Wetenschap Kunst & Handel ten disch bij de Vriendschap, waarin ik mij waarlijk wel meende te hebben gekweten. Wij waren toch anders regt genoeglijk bij elkander.’730 Een half jaar later noteerde De Clercq: ‘Te huis gekomen verzamelden zich weldra de Vrienden namentlijk de famille Van der Houven, Rappard, Mirandolle Bosscha & Kruseman. Nooit zag ik nog eene tafel hier in den Haag zoo in high spirits.’731 Eind 1831 was om onduidelijke redenen de vriendschap bekoeld. De laatste melding van Kruseman in De Clercqs journaal is van midden november 1831: ‘Kruseman Die bloem die eerst Vriendschap scheen te zijn wierd op het laatst iets zeer gewoons.’732In de ontspannen sfeer van deze soirees en andere gelegenheden kon Kruseman zich door zijn invloedrijke vrienden eenvoudig laten introduceren bij de aanwezige hooggeplaatsten. En hoewel het niet direct is te herleiden naar beschreven ontmoetingen in de dagboeken van De Clercq, portretteerde Kruseman diverse personen die zich in deze kring bewogen. Zo schilderde hij Jean Chretien Baud, de Rotterdamse bankier Jan Rudolf Mees (1755-1839), zijn echtgenote Sara Johanna Blokhuijzen (17...
Notes
... larij wat spreiding en ledental betreft het grootste seculiere genootschapsnetwerk in Nederland. Krusemans oudere broer Johannes Diederik was wel betalend lid van een loge. Volgens de aantekeningen op de ledenkaart ondergebracht in het Cultureel Maçonniek Centrum 'Prins Frederik' te Den Haag was de broer van Kruseman lid van de loge “La Vertueuse” in Batavia vanaf 1814. In 1823 komt hij voor op de ledenlijst van loge De Vriendschap (DVS) in Soerabaja. Vanaf het werkjaar 1856-1857 was hij lid van loge L’Union Royale in Den Haag; Birza 1984...
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7. Literatuur
... red.), Home and abroad. Dutch and Flemish landscape drawings from the John and Marine van Vlissingen art foundation, t...
... n: A. van der Goes en J. de Meyere (red), Op stand aan de Wand: Vijf eeu...
... ’, in: Ch.M. Klinkert en Y. Bleyerveld (red.), Allart van Everdingen: Meester va...
... red.), Masters of Light. Dutch painters in Utrecht during the golden age, tent.cat. San Francisco (Fine Arts Museums...
... Abrahamse, M. Carasso-Kok en E. Schmitz (red.), De verbeelde wereld. Liber amicoru...
... redius-Kronig Collection, Den Haag 1993...
... red.), Jan van Goyen, tent.cat. Leiden (Lakenhal) 1996, pp. 22-37...
... C. van de Puttelaar (red.), Connoisseurship. Essays in Honour of Fred. G. Meijer, 2020, pp. 89-115...
... rede rivieren langs hoge hellingen. Het stuwwallenlandschap van midden-Nederland op zeventiende-eeuwse tekeningen, Utrec...
... Miedema, R.W. Scheller en P.J.J. van Thiel (red.), Miscellanea I.Q. van Regteren Altena,...
... rederik Hendrik en Amalia, tent.cat. Den Haag (Mauritshuis) 1997...
... ndscape drawings’, in: W.L. Strauss (red.), Tribute to Wolfgang Stechow, N...
... red.), Noordwest: Bemuurde Weerd, Daalsebuurt, Pijlsweerd, Ondiep, Zuilen, Utrecht 2003...
... red.), Rotterdamse Meesters uit de Gouden Eeuw, tent.cat. Rotterdam (Historisch Museum Het Schielandshuis) 1994-1995, pp. 132-...
... red.), ‘Lodewijk Napoleon en de kunsten in het Koninkrijk Holland’, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 56/57, Zw...
... rsa)’, in: A. Tacke, B.U. Münch, M. Herzog e.a. (red.), Künstlerreisen: Fallbeispiele vom Mittelal...
... red.), L' âge d'or du paysage hollandaise, tent.cat. Parijs (Beaux-Arts de Paris) 2014-2015...
... red.), ‘Een paradijs vol weelde’. Geschiedenis van Utrecht, Utrecht 2000...
... red.), Geschiedenis van Rhenen, Utrecht 2008, pp. 236-245...
... an Saftleven uit 1674’, in: Ch. Dumas (red.), Liber Amicorum Dorine van Sasse ...
... red world: Three views of Rhenen’, Oud Holland 134 (2021), nr. 4, pp. 169-187...
... nnef, K. Weschenfelder en I. Haberland (red.), Vom Zauber des Rheins ergriffen.....
... red.), Het Gedroomde Land. Pastorale schilderkunst in de Gouden Eeuw, tent.cat. Utrecht (Centraal Museum) / Frankfurt am Ma...
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1.2 Gezin, geloof en erkenning
... t. 1684?). Van hen hadden Dirck en Sara ook artistieke aspiraties. Een ets van Herman Saftleven is gebaseerd op een onbekend, door Dirck in 1660 vervaardigd, portret van hem [20].19 Sara geniet enige bekendheid als tekenares van bloemen en planten [21 en 22].20 Zij trouwde driemaal: in 1671 met Jacob Broers (1646-1677), in 1679 met Paulus Dalbach (gest. 1691) en...
... uysen, die bekend stond als een felle voorvechtster van het remonstrantse geloof, ook de remonstrantse predikant Joannes Monachius (ca. 1597-1660) tot voogd over hun kinderen te benoemen.24 In 1637 volgde de ...
... vaardiger van de ets vermeld, naar het voorbeeld van een geschilderd zelfportret van Saftleven. Dit laatste is niet erg waarschijnlijk, aangezien hij niet als portretkunstenaar bekend staat. Hoe het ook zij, uit de publicatie blijkt dat Saftleven inmiddels was toegetreden tot de galerij van belangrijke Utrechtse kunstenaars, waartoe ook Roelant Savery (1576-1639), Gerard van Honthorst (1592-1656) en Cornelis van Poelenburch behoorden.33...
Notes
... 23, p. 7, doopdatum 12 augustus 1641 (Levina); idem p. 24, doopdatum 26 mei 1644 (Sara). ...
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1.4 Late jaren
... eze zoon (Dirck of Hendrick) opgesloten ‘in een kelder, daer water in is van een leck secreet, ende niet als water ende broot te nuttigen gegeven.’ Een dag later werd een dochter van Saftleven (Levina of Sara) ontboden bij gouverneur Jean Baptiste Stoupa (1620-1692), die dreigde om haar broer samen met twee andere gevangenen op te hangen aan de galg.42 Alleen als ‘sij haer wilde laten gebruyken van monsr....
... at de verkoop vijf jaar na de voltooiing van de reeks plaatsvond, kan worden geconcludeerd dat hij de tekeningen niet in opdracht van het stadsbestuur, maar op eigen initiatief had vervaardigd. Voor zover bekend heeft Saftleven na 1677 geen topografische tekeningen meer gemaakt. Naar de reden hiervan kunnen we slechts gissen. Mogelijk was hij in de loop van de jaren 1670 minder goed ter been geworden.Zijn productie lijkt er in elk geval niet onder geleden te hebben. Zo vervaardigde hij in het begin van de jaren 1680 voor Agnes Block (1629-1704) – een welgestelde dame ui...
... Sara Saftleven en haar echtgenoot Paulus Dalbach deden afstand van de opbrengst en van hun tegoed van de in 1679 overleden Dirck Saftleven, waaruit kan worden opgemaakt dat Hermans schulden hoger waren dan de opbrengst van de verkoop van het huis en de boedel. Uit het feit dat Hendrick Saftleven niet als erfgenaam wordt vermeld, zou met enige voorzichtigheid kunnen worden geconcludeerd dat ook hij inmiddels was overleden. Wél wordt Levina Saftleven genoemd, maar het is onbekend hoe het haar verder verging. Uit de boedel kochten Sara Saftleven en Paulus Dalbach voor vierhonderd gulden aan huisraad, meubelen, schilderijen en tekeningen.56 Herman Saftleven werd op 5 januari 1685 naast zijn vrouw begraven in de Buurkerk.57...
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2.7 Stadsprofiel van 1669
... ollectie van de John and Marine van Vlissingen Foundation.118 Mogelijk waren de tekeningen in 1685 door Sara Saftleven (1644-1702) en haar (tweede) echtgenoot Paulus Dalbach (gest. 1691) uit de boedel van Saftlevens huis in Achter Sint Pieter gekocht. In dat geval kunnen deze via Sara Saftleven, die zoals in het vorige hoofdstuk vermeld in 1692 trouwde met Jacob Ploos van Amstel (1630-1694), binnen de familie Ploos van Amstel zijn vererfd. Het is niet ondenkbaar, dat Cornelis Ploos van Amstel – de achterkleinzoon van Jacob – op die manier in bezit is gekom...
Notes
... klooster (7), Het Hertenhuis (8; Oudegracht nr. 86), huis Oudaen (9; Oudegracht nr. 99), huis Drakenburg (10; Oudegracht nr. 114), huis Fresenburg (11; Oudegracht nr. 113), molen Het Cosgen op het zuidwestelijke bastion van Vredenburg, huis Groot Blankenburg (12; Oudegracht nr. 121), Janskerk (13), huis Putruwiel (14; Oudegracht nr. 134), huis Keyserrijk (15; hoek Stadhuisbrug/Ganzenmarkt), huis Groot Groenewoude (16; Oudegracht nr. 151), stadhui...
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6.3 Breaking Colours
... time their landholdings. Jonson may have used methods of breaking his colours that our unknown author recommended. It is likely that the garden in the distance was reduced in tone and intensity of colour by adding white to the dark greens of the bushes, the ochre of the sandy ways and even the red-brown of the brick walls. The Nuremberg painter Joachim von Sandrart (1606-1688) who had learned in Utrecht with Gerard van Honthorst (1592-1656), explained in his Teutsche Academie der Edlen Bau- Bild- und Mahlerey-Künste of 1675 how light and broken colours should be used in the background to create an impression of distance.35 This advice may be more useful for prospects than the anonymous writers’ preference of white.Concerning black, if Jonson broke any colours to make them darker, he used it sparingly, especially in the faces, arms and hands. The white collars of the sitters’ clothes appear to be painted in the way recorded in King’s notes: especially at the rounding of shoulders, the white of the fabric assumes a visible ochre hue, perhaps shining through from the underlying dead colour, and a little black is added in the shaded parts.36 In the shadows on the velvet of the chairs, the carpet on the table behind the chairs, or the light pink gown of young Arthur, Jonson seems to have used brown and black. In the reflections on the skin of the faces and arms, but more distinctly in the taffetas of the yellow dresses of the girls and the red curtain, red was used, as in the suggestion of the anonymous writer, to add a glowing effect.In order to avoid unwanted effects of broken colours in the painting of flesh colours, the unknown author urges his readers to keep their brushes charged with a mixture of light flesh colour, the ‘carnation Pencills’, away from dark paints, especially from ‘blew black’.37 He recommends a mixture including this pigment, but in minimal proportion, for ‘broaken fleshes’ of the shaded parts.38 Daniel King’s manuscript of the 1650s gave similar advice, speaking not of ‘broken fleshes’, but instead of ‘blueish shadow mezzotint between the deep shadow and the flesh colour.’39 He recommended using coal black, a piece of information he claimed to have from Van Dyck. The idea was to evoke the effect of the veins appearing faintly blue shining through elegantly pale skin.40 Both King and our unknown author suggested the blue pigment smalt as an alternative for the purpose of rendering these bluish shadows.41 Yet, Van Dyck’s reputed choice of colours seems to have been more common in Britain. The Irish painter William Gandy (1655-1729) who, when in London, gained some insights into painting practices by the most prominent portrait painter of his day, Peter Lely, reported that Lely ‘breaks his flesh with lampblack, but the best way is to break the linen with pine black or charcoal black.’42 He noted that Lely used black in the incarnate rarely and only for portraits of most tend...
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9.2 Customer Shopping Patterns
... d jugs, and ‘a brown China duble bottle Guilt with water gold [with] a garnish of silver’.51On stepping into Van Collema’s shop, customers would have been presented with a tempting array of goods. Although there is no known picture or description of the interior of Van Collema’s own premises, a contemporary painted fan-leaf showing the imaginary interior of an India merchant’s shop gives an indication of how it may have looked [16]. It shows a jumbled profusion of red and black lacquer cabinets, chests, screens and tables. Blue and white and polychrome porcelain and red earthenware is stacked on every available surface and all over the floor, while Indian, Chinese and Japanese pictures hang on the walls. Groups of shoppers inspect the goods, and three ladies are seated beside a pile of fans. The scene is loosely set in India, with the figures wearing Mughal court dress, but the painting is Dutch, drawing on the artist’s own experience of merchants’ shops. The goods in the painting are typical of those that Van Collema stocked, and it is likely that his customers had a similar retail experience, browsing among a wide range of goo...
... and customers fostered technical and stylistic innovations, which found ready buyers in a ‘market-oriented approach to culture’.55 Green Street was just off Leicester Fields, subsequently redeveloped as Leicester Square, which was described in 1720 as ‘a very handsome square, railed about and gravelled within. The buildings are very good and well inhabited, and frequented b...
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5.2 The Physical Space of the Studio
... s letter, we can understand that the cartoons for the tapestries were laid out in the Queen’s House, presumably on the first floor.36 The House’s foundations straddle what was once a walled public road that formed a division between the complex of red brick Tudor buildings that made up Greenwich Palace to the north and the royal park to the south. Given the monumental scale of the tapestries – the weaving now in the collection of Royal Museums Greenwich measures 3.94 m x 5.64 m – only a hand...
... studio operation and assets were distributed throughout other rooms in the house.43 Although the Queen’s House room is generously proportioned, its walls are pierced by multiple apertures, as can be seen in a near contemporary plan of this floor [10]. There are three windows: two on the south elevation and one on the west. The north wall has both a door and a large fireplace, while the east wall originally had two doors, one of which led directly to the staircase which may correspond to the ‘Backstairs’ referred to in the King’s Works in March 1677. Bearing in mind the presumed presence of multiple artists at work in the space at any given time, the need to use the fireplace for at least some of the year, and the implications of that for proximity of easels and painting material to it, the space must have quickly felt quite cramped. A Royal Visit to the Fleet in the Thames Estuary, conceived and probably brought close to completion in the Queen’s House studio, illustrates the issue: although our original intentio...
... most importance to any artist’s studio, determining aspects of studio efficiency as fundamental as the hours of work that were possible.51 As if short winter days weren’t enough of an impediment to working hours,52 strong glare from a low sun would have been a further nuisance in a south-facing studio.53 An additional advantage of the shutters would have been to compensate for the impact of the dual aspect of the room, with windows on the south and west walls - a further feature of this space that was out of keeping with typical studio spaces, which favoured a single light source.54 Finally, the installation of shutters in the Van de Veldes’ Queen’s House studio also attests to an idea of a studio space that was not static in its layout but surely shifted periodically according to different commissions, and different seasons - something Sandrart also advocated.55 Shutters would have enabled the Van de Veldes to respond as best they could to the varying levels and angles of sunlight in the space throughout the day and the year. The arrangement of easels, furniture and studio assets within the space would a...
... wing rooms’. Their use during this period is unrecorded, but the exercise of ‘dressing’ the studio space made palpable the need for overflow spaces. The use...
... the subject of a visual tradition, developed by artists including Pieter Codde (1599-1678) and Michiel van Musscher (1645-1705).64 The manual task of pigment grinding was out of step with the more aspirational image of the artist-courtier that those such as the Van de Veldes’ predecessors at the English court, Van Dyck and Rubens, had pursued.65 Even before their time as court painters in England, the Van de Veldes were not strangers to princely visitors to their studio – Cosimo III de’ Medici had visited them at their Amsterdam studio on 26 December ...
Notes
... ion of grisailles, which, like drawings, etchings and engravings, but unlike coloured paintings, could feasibly be undertaken after dark by artificial light. Kleine...
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12.2 The Technique of Gainsborough’s Early Paintings
... higher magnification than in these illustrations, both the Gainsborough and Hayman samples can be seen to contain a complex range of pigments. These complex mixtures were characteristic of British artists’ paint in this period; rather than use a traditional method of applying an opaque colour that could be glazed over when dry with translucent paint to enrich or modify it, they often mixed opaque and translucent pigments together in one application.16 Despite that similarity, however, Hayman’s paint, together with that of their British contemporaries, differs from Gainsborough’s in that individual pigments are largely obscured by the amount of opaque lead white in the mixture; only a few particles are large enough to remain visible in the matrix. In the Gainsborough sample, by contrast, the pigment particles are able to exert their full complement of functions – their colour, their texture, whether they are large or small, translucent or opaque, dull or sparkly. Gainsborough is very unusual amongst his British contemporaries in being so appreciative of all these aspects of a pigment....
... ries, including Hayman’s. In some of Gainsborough’s early paintings, however, the quantity of glass or pale smalt in all the colours is too large to have been anything but a deliberate choice, and this is shown to great effect in The Charterhouse of 1748 [9].19 Figure [10] shows a detail at high magnification of the brick wall at the lower left of the composition; the paint is translucent, containing not only red ochres, vermilion and red lakes mixed together to produce the overall brick red tone, but also a large proportion of smalt to render it bright and translucent.20 The translucency allows the brick red colour to be enriched by the underlying orange-coloured ground, which can be seen at the extreme left of the illustration.21...
... ition in continental Europe; in Dutch and Flemish painting it goes back as far as Jan van Eyck (active 1422–died 1441) and earlier.33 Taking painters from the 17th century alone, Jan van Goyen (1596–1656) and Salomon van Ruysdael (1600/3–1670) used ground glass or pale smalt extensively in their ‘tonal’ landscapes, and smalt has been found as an admixture in a range of colours in the work of Rembrandt van Rijn (1606–1669) and Jan Wijnants (1632–1684).34 An understanding of all the qualities of pigments, such as we have seen in Gainsborough’s paintings, was a product of the workshop tradition that still prevailed on the continent but which, as we have seen, was much diminished in Britain. All the unusual pigments that Gainsborough used would have been more readily available on the continent than in London; the author has found none of them in the work of British painters in the 1740s and early 1750s. In thinking about how Gainsborough might have acquired his knowledge and unusual materials, it is vital to bear in mind that the unaided eye cannot discern the presence of ground glass in a painting nor analyse the pigment mixtures. While we know that Gainsborough’s landscapes in this period derived much stylistically from 17th-century Dutch painters, especially Jacob van Ruisdael (1628/9–1682) and Jan Wijnants, he cannot have learned the minutiae of their technique simply by looking. Gainsborough must have been taught to mix his colours in this Netherlandish way. In searching for Netherlandish painters working in London in the 1740s and who travelled to and from the continent, the Griffier family fits the bill....
Notes
... a bright, opaque red natural mineral or its manufactured equivalent. Lake colours are plant dyes struck ont...
... h art for the use of orange coloured grounds such as Gainsborough ...