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Bibliografie
... eeuw, tent.cat. Antwerpen (Hessenhuis) 1993...
... les’, Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen in Wien 11 (...
... hild on the Road of Life (outer wings), Leiden, c. 1525’, in: J.P. Filedt Kok (red.), Early Netherlandish Paintings, online cat. Amsterdam (Rijksmuseum): https://data.rijksmuseum.nl/200109186 (geraadpleeg...
... P. Filedt Kok (red.), Early Netherlandish Paintings, online cat. Amsterdam (...
... wing), c. 1515 - c. 1525’, in: J.P. Filedt Kok (red.), Early Netherlandish Paintings, online cat. Amsterdam (Rijksmuseum): https://data.rijksmu...
... online cat. Amsterdam (Rijksmuseum): onder het kopje ‘The artist’ (geraadpleegd op 5 december 2025)...
... iszoon de Kock. Een familie- en detective-verhaal’, Oud-Holland 52 (1935), p. 49-76...
... eningen van Lucas Cornelisz en Pieter Cornelisz’, Oud-Holland 52 (1935), p. 159-173...
... n Lucas Cornelisz de Kock en van Cornelis Cornelisz Kunst. Exeat Jan Wellens de Cock’, Oud-Holla...
... Kunst, Cornelis Cornelisz. Kunst, Lucas Cornelisz de Kock’ Oud-Holland 67 (1952), p. 1-30...
... iser Friedrich-Museums-Verein, tent.cat. Berlijn (Akademie der Künste) 1914...
... out 2020 (Studies in European urban history (1100-1800), dl. 49)...
... der bildenden Künstler, von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, 37 dln., Leipzig 1907-1...
... an Flémalle en Rogier van der Weyden, dissertatie Universiteit van Amsterdam 1...
... is Engebrachtsz., Berlijn 1899...
... ish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts ca. 1450-1700, 72 vols., Amsterdam/Roosendaal/Rotterdam/Ouderkerk aan den IJ...
... A sixteenth-century Leiden artist and his workshop, Turnhout 2014...
... Amtliche Berichte aus den preussischen Kunstsammlungen (1914-191...
... Jahrbuch der königlich preuszischen Kunstsammlungen 36 (191...
... isten, Leipzig 1921...
... ische Malerei, 14 dln., Berlijn/Leiden 1924-1937, dl. X (1932)...
... ische Malerei, 14 dln., Berlijn/Leiden 1924-1937, dl. XI (1933)...
... ished works by Jan Wellens de Cock’, The Burlington Magazine 51 (1927), p. 68-79...
... is Engebrechtsz., New York/Londen 1977...
... nd German paintings before 1600 in English Churches and Colleges, Londen 1992...
... ischen Skizzenbuch in Berlin’, Oud-Holland 50 (1933), p. 273-288...
... ed.), Art in the Making: Underdrawings in Renaissance Painting, tent.cat. Londen (National G...
... Die Unterzeichnung auf dem Malgrund. Graphische Mittel und Übertragungsverfahren im ...
... iscovered painting: The road to Calvary by Herri met de Bles’, in: N. Muller, B. Rosasco, J. Marrow (red.),...
... ), Lucas van Leyden en de Renaissance, tent.cat. Leiden (Mus...
... issance in prent, tent.cat. Leuven (M – Museum Leuven) / Parijs (Fondation Custodia – Collection Frits Lugt) 2013...
... issing zu München (Nachtrag zu Teil I und II.)’, Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst 6 (1911), p. 208-234...
... ische archieven der Antwerpsche Sint Lucasgilde, 2 dln., Antwerpen/Den Haag 1864-1876...
... ischer Malerei und Plastik vor 1575, tent.cat. Utrecht (Gebouw voor Kunsten en Wetenschappen) 1913...
... is der Antwerpsche schilderschool, Antwerpen 1883...
... ist associate, Zwanenburg 2009...
... 26), p. 147-154...
... ische Malerei. Die Malerei in Belgien und Holland von 1400-1600, Berlijn 1924...
... hilderijen van Joachim Beuckelaer, dissertatie Rijksuniversiteit Groning...
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1.4 Friedländers hypothese schiet wortel
... unst, Keulen) en een Heilige Christoforus (afb. 2) in het bezit van de Freiherr von Fürstenberg (thans particuliere collectie, Duitsland), een markante voorstelling van een in een vuurrode mantel gestoken Christoforus, die op de sleep het Christuskind meetorst.26...
... ing van De heiligen Paulus en Antonius in de wildernis (afb. 10) in de verzameling van de Haagse schilder Antonie van Welie (tegenwoordig Gemäldegalerie – Staatliche Museen zu Berlin), tweemaal een Verzoeking van de heilige Antonius (afb. 11-12), beide bij kunsthandel Goudstikker in Amsterdam (het eerste schilderij in 2001 teruggegeven aan de erfgenaam Marei von Saher, New York; het tweede tegenwoordig in Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid) en tot slot een drieluik met De verzoeking van de heilige Antonius (afb. 13) in de Oudheidkamer in Tiel (tegenwoordig Streekmuseum De Grote Sociëteit).29...
... r anderen toegeschreven werken over, in een aantal gevallen echter met een duidelijk vraagteken. Dit gold bijvoorbeeld voor de door Winkler aan het oeuvre toegevoegde Calvarieberg33 en de Hof van Olijven,34 het door Wescher aan De Cock toegeschreven Drieluik met de kruisafneming35 en De verzoeking van de heilige Antonius in Dresden,36 die door Van Gelder voor het eerst was gepubliceerd. Daarnaast voegde Friedländer een aantal nieuwe werken toe, waaronder Lot en zijn dochters (afb. 14) in het Detroit Institute of Arts.37 Een schilderij met De wegzending van Hagar (afb. 15), dat hij eerder op naam van Cornelis Engebrechtsz had gezet, achtte hij nu mogelijk als van de hand van Jan de Cock.38 Hoewel de lijst met toegeschreven werken nu aanzienlijk was uitgebreid, kan de lezer zich niet aan de indruk onttrekken dat Friedländer de kunstenaarspersoonlijkheid van Jan de Cock voornamelijk als een constructie bleef beschouwen, tot stand gekomen door een combinatie van spaarzame feiten en de daarop gebaseerde aannames....
... us en Paulus in de wildernis (Liechtenstein) behoorden, vertoonde zowel Hollandse als Antwerpse invloeden. Voorbeelden van het late werk, dat zonder meer in Antwerpen moest zijn vervaardigd en onder invloed stond van de landschapschilderkunst van Joachim Patinir, waren onder meer De heilige Christoforus – het kernstuk van waaruit Friedländer was begonnen het oeuvre van Jan de Cock samen te stellen – Lot en zijn dochters (Detroit) en de houtsnede uit 1522 met De verzoeking van de heilige Antonius.Overtuigd dat de stijlkenmerken te ver uiteenliepen om alle werken op naam van één meester te handhaven, splitste Baldass bovendien twee meesters met noodnamen af, die hij beiden als leerlingen van Jan de Cock beschouwde. De eerste doopte hij de ‘Meister der Verstoβung Hagar’, vernoemd naar De wegzending van Hagar in Wenen, het schilderij dat door Friedländer eerst als een werk van Cornelis Engebrechtsz werd beschouwd en later mogelijk als een werk van Jan de Cock. Het oeuvre van deze nieuwe meester breidde Baldass nog uit met een drietal schilderijen: De heiligen Paulus en Antonius in de wildernis (Berlijn), De verzoeking van de heilige Antonius (Dresden), eveneens een twijfelgeval in de optiek van Friedländer, en De heilige Christoforus met de markante rode mantel (voorheen Freiherr von Fürstenberg). De andere leerling werd vernoemd naar de Geboorte in Zagreb (Agram). Aan het oeuvre van deze ‘Meister der Agramer Geburt Christi’ voegde hij nog een Kruisiging (afb. 19) toe uit het museum te Verona....
Notes
... ...
... 26. ...
... 26, nr. 107. ...
... 26, nr. 111. ...
... sten met Friedländer heeft gesproken is helaas niet meer na te gaan, maar ...
... ning is aangebracht, overeenkomstig de tekening in het schetsboek, maar uiteindelijk niet in verf is uitgewerkt. Zie Wolters hieronder. ...
... ens weer geparafraseerd en vrijelijk in composities gevoegd; Held 1933, p. 278-279. Zie voor de schetsboekbladen de records in RKDimages onder de naam ‘Meesters van het Antwerpse Schetsboek’. Bepaalde composities zijn ook in het Errera Schetsboek terug te vinden. Het fenomeen is zeer vergelijkbaar met de diabolische fantasiefiguurtjes uit het oeuvre van Jheronimus Bosch die door tijdgenoten en latere navolgers veelvuldig werden nagevolgd. Zie hiervoor Van Heesch 2013; Unverfehrt 1980. ...
... is met een aan Herri met de Bles toegeschreven schilderij in het Princeton University Art Museum (https://rkd.nl/images/43567); K...
... ge Antonius door Jheronimus Bosch (Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lissabon; https://rkd.nl/images/56551; https://rkd.nl/images/56552) ...
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7.5 Milan as ‘Idealist Sancta-sanctorum’
... f Fine Arts in Brussels.21 It is remarkable that in the finished painting the woman is not naked, as was common in idealist works, but wears a yellow drape.22 For a work that is clearly political, Fabry relied on his academic training.He also referred to a canvas by Jules van Biesbroeck (1873-1965), Launch of the Argo [18] which has recently re-appeared after 130 years of oblivion and which Fabry certainly knew because Van Biesbroeck had realized it when he was just 16 as a ‘revenge’ after he failed to win the Prix de Rome in 1889, when Fabry had also competed.23 But Fabry must have known Van Biesbroeck’s work also because it had obtained a special mention at the Salon in Paris in 1890.24 While references to academic models are predominant in the preparatory drawings, the final, truly symbolist painting, shows clear borrowings of Italian mannerism – Michelangelo and Pontormo’s nudes – which are punctuated with personal signs such as the roses, a topos in Fabry’s works....
... cento. Although it was painted already in 1902, the Ciamberlani’s Vie sereine was probably chosen because of its ties with Puvis and for its references to Italian Renaissance painting, not just Botticelli but also Titian and Giorgione.25...
... movement and was faced with a series of obstacles until his LʼÉcole de Platon was acclaimed in his country in 1898, on his return from Rome.27 This canvas, in which esoteric issues and the influence of Italian art are entwined, was displayed in a blue niche, shown in its best conditions, considering that it was left in a modelling class of Brussel’s Academy since 1898.28 For Delville, despite a long stay in Italy between 1896 and 1898 as a consequence of his Prix de Rome, this was his first public experience in Italy.64...
Notes
... is expression was used by the architect and art critic Alfredo Melani (1859-1828) in ‘La mostra dell’arte decorat...
... is catalogued in the database of Brussels’ heritage: https://collections.heritage.brussels/fr/objects/11525 (accesse...
... is a response to the overabundance of female nudes in the official salons, but also a legacy of the ancient practice of re...
... iscovered in a Belgian private collection in 2021 and shown for the first time by Lullo Pampoulides art dealers duri...
... designated as the winner, was then refused the prize for his work Job. Notably from 1886 to 1895 (when Montald and De...
... ...
... sed by the Musée du Luxembourg in Paris in 1912, after the Belgian governm...
... e exhibition, but there is no existing documentation on this point. ...
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7.6 Idealist painting for a national cause
... logical motives and new ideas on monumental art and a new aesthetic also made a major contribution to the rise of new museographic practices. Symbolist works were shown on big surfaces with ‘air passing through’ [25], and in an accurate contrast of colours. Thanks to Horta’s abilities, these huge canvases could be perceived in an appropriate context. In the hall of honor, the space was big enough to ensure ‘convenient isolation useful to an artwork’s clear meaning’.34 Although there were complaints about the narrowness in the monumental paintings hall,35 the general impression was positive and of a perfect harmony, as Pica explained.36The success of this new monumental art and museographic practices at the service of national ideology would soon be confirmed. A year after the exhibition in Milan, in 1907, Fierens-Gevaert was called on by the major of Venice, Filippo Grimani, to organize the Belgian section in the forthcoming Biennale (1907). This resulted in a new, permanent building, and it is significant that Belgium would be the first foreign nation to build such a national pavilion on the exhibition grounds at the Giardini Napoleonici.Meanwhile, the success of the Belgian pavilion in Milan also contributed to the personal careers of the four artists discussed here. Also in 1907, they were welcomed at the Triennale Salon of Brussels: Fabry with L’expansion coloniale [26], Montald with La barque de l’idéal [27] and Fontaine de l’inspiration [28] ‒ two new canvases especially realized for Brussel’s Museum of Art ‒ and Delville with a new painting, Prométhée [29], now at Brussels’ Francophone University (ULB). Eventually, in 1920, Ciamberlani, Delville, Fabry and Montald would retroactively reinforce their role as pioneers by signing a manifesto for a new Society for Monumental Art.37...
Notes
... erne some critics argued that artists could be better supported by...
... ognized this ‘new school’, such as De Vlaamsche Gazet which called these artists ‘een neo-idealistische groep’, see Catillon 1906. ...
... ist, the name of the work was changed, see Anonymous 2019. ...
... called to collaborate as early as 1898. The project was eventually aborted at the insistence of King Leopold II, see Horta 1985, p. 82-83; Dulière 1997, p. 231; Paget 202...
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3.4 At last, Rome
... enaissance masterpieces – the three were particularly drawn to Italian masters as Rafaël (1483-1520) and Michelangelo (1475-1564), influenced by the recommendations of their mentor – they were pleasantly surprised to discover works by the Flemish masters from the Baroque period in various museums and galleries they visited. ‘We were proud to see our fellow compatriots Peter Paul Rubens (1577-1640) and Anthony Van Dyck (1599-1641)’.20 Inspired by their experiences in Roman art galleries, most students who stayed for a few years in Rome embarked on their own artistic endeavours, with the intention to send their works as envois back home for exhibitions in Paris or Brussels. Given the limited one-year duration of these three students' stay in Italy, most of their time was devoted to drawing inspiration from Italian masters, leaving the elaboration of their works for after their return to Brussels or Paris....
... talian women, inspiring works such as Tambourine Player (1850): ‘Women seldom wear hats; instead, they wear a white veil, somewhat resembling our shawls, which flatters the younger ones particularly well.’23 Similarly, Navez was enchanted by the Italian wardrobe during his travels, depicted in a number of his post-Italy period such as Musical Group and Hermit and two Young Girls [13-18]....
Notes
... é. Voilà depuis un mois que nous faisons cela vu la saison des pluies; enfin, cher Maître, nous travaillons ...
... , Manuscript Cabinet KBR, Ms. II 70/1/269, fol. 485r -486r. ...
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5.10 The later years
... er exists: I and a few others are merely the few relics that remain of it. Rome no longer has anything of the World’s City of Art, and I do not believe it has gained anything from it. We live like Philemon and Baucis, isolated from the world.'62This attitude and Koelman’s classical ideals of beauty made a deep impression on the writer and art critic Carel Vosmaer (1826-1888) when he visited Koelman in his Roman studio in 1878 and again in 1883. Vosmaer felt ‘like a pupil of Socrates’ and called the artist ‘one of the most important people I have ever met’.63 When he wrote Koelman’s obituary a few years later, apart from his physical description (‘a head like Garibaldi’), it was particularly striking that he regarded the deceased as ‘the last of the old Dutch painters’ bent in Rome’. He was, according to Vosmaer:'italianised, but only in his outward life, and yet Dutch through and through, speaking his mother tongue like us; an artist of great talent, of the old school; a philosopher who spoke to you about life and art and antiquity with warm, cordial words, flowing from conviction and deep thought.'64 ...
Notes
... er 1866-1874, there 22 (1869), mentioning both Jan Hendrik and his son Romolo. ...
... 26 (recurs in ed. 1856, 1858, 1862 and 1864), and Baedeker 1883, p. 109 (also in ed. 1881 and 1886). ...
... be correct for reasons of chronology: it states the empress died before Koelman had finished the assignment. The painting was exhibited and awarded a prize at the Esposizione...
... n als Philemon en Baucis van de wereld afgezonderd.’ J.H. and R. Koelman to L.L. Kleyn, 29 December 1885, Kleyn family archives. The author is indebted to Josine van Wanroij-Viets. ...
... t en oudheid spreekt met warme, gemoedvolle woorden, vloeiend uit over- tuiging en diep nadenken.’ Vosmaer 1887, p. 60. The title of my article is taken from the first line of the latter quote. ...
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Bibliography
... is 11 April 1838, Ms. II 70/1/196...
... 269...
... 26 December 1838, Ms. II 70/1/408...
... ...
... re, gravure, dessin etc. d’artistes vivants, exposés au musé...
... is 1870...
... is-Joseph Navez, Charleroi 1787 - Bruxelles 1869: la nostalgie d’Italie, exh. cat. Charleroi (Musée des beaux-arts) 1999...
... isme in België, Brussels 1985...
... istes belges en Italie (1830-1914), Brussels 2005...
... Nineteenth-Century Artistic Praxis’, NAVSA. Victorian Networks. P...
... s of Network Analysis in Art History’, Artl@s Bulletin 6, no...
... is-Joseph Navez, Brussels 1962...
... op basis van niet eerder uitgegeven bronnen’. Masterthesis Kunstwetenschappen, Leuven University 2019...
... in de 19de eeuw’, Tijdschrift voor interieurgeschiedenis en design 44 (2022), p. 95-119...
... is (Musée du Louvre) 2006...
... istoire et membre de l’Académie’, Annuaire de l’Académie royale de Belgique, Brussel 1854, p. 139-155...
... is, décrets, arrêtés et réglements généraux qui peuvent être invoqués en Belgique, 3rd series, Brussels 1842...
... iste Flamand, 1 bnd., (Brussels: de Delevingne et Callewaert, 1839)...
... istoire dans les édifices civils en Belgique (1830-1914), Brussels 1997...
... in Toscane en de 19de-eeuwse kunstreis naar Italië, Florence 1985...
... ische benadering of een andere kijk op het kunstenaarsatelier’, in: M. Jonkman and E. Geudeker (eds.), Mythen van het ...
... oningen’, Erfgoed Brussel 26/27 (2018), p. 26-29...
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2.4 Art without authors
... uce it. Of course, this might have been the true conviction of these Florentines. Nevertheless, the addition of a slightly changed author’s name, the fictional origins and the presumed death of the artist rather hint at a conscious cover-up of an illegal activity.90Is there any existing material evidence to substantiate these accounts? Yes, indeed. Close scrutiny of art market transactions that have taken place since Fraikin’s times will reveal that many copies of his model were sold. Without being exhaustive, a few recent examples will suffice to point in this direction. During the last thirty years alone, a handful of unauthorised versions of Cupid Captive came to light: a 94 centimetre high marble copy without a signature,91 a 56.5 centimetre high bronze version signed Fraikins (with an ‘s’)92 and a similar version with a label that mentions, in English, ‘An old figure when purchased in Florence Italy in [followed by an illegible year]’.93 The last copy suggests that at least some pieces were sold to customers who thought they had purchased an antique piece of art.Yet, the growth of the commercial souvenir market in the mid-19th century is certainly not the only explanation why the Cupid Captive model circulated so broadly. Versions bearing the signatures of modern-day sculptors such as Pietro Franchi (1817-1878) or studios such as the Neapolitan Bucciano workshop show that, during Fraikin’s lifetime, other casts or marbles were sold as contemporary artworks or decorative pieces.94 Pietro Franchi was a descendant of a sculptor dynasty that had been active near Carrara since the 17th century. He produced statuettes and sculptures for the art market based on his own designs, but he also made marble copies after other artists.95 At least one 89 centimetre high96 and another 107 centimetre high marble edition of Cupid Captive were carved in his studio.97 Another Franchi signed sculpture, Bacchus and Cupid [28], unscrupulously adopted the very same composition as Cupid Captive.98 Only the subject matter and some sculptural details were altered. In comparison with the authentic sculptures by Fraikin, the proportions are less elegant, the physiognomies not as sharp and not as delicate....
Notes
... e n’est pas neuve, elle est consolante puisqu’elle écarte toute idée de plagiat’. ...
... vember 2001, lot number 181; Leroy-Jay Lemaistre 1992, p.130-132; the Louvre Museum (M...
... istie’s (London) on 14 May 1998, lot number 134. ...
... l to confirm this thesis, and to expose the mechanisms behind the copying. ...
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5.8 Bandit brothers
... the Pope to his throne. Philip Koelman describes how he repeatedly visited his brother in his corps de garde. When the republic finally fell, the brothers, along with many other artists, took part in the silent protest against the entry of the French occupying forces that had besieged Rome.49In his brother’s memoirs, there is no doubt about Jan Hendrik’s Italian patriotic and republican sympathies. Can any of his artworks perhaps confirm this attitude? That question is not easy to answer. While a mid-nineteenth-century audience was certainly susceptible to the socio-political connotations of genre paintings, the same cannot be said of the modern observer.50In at least one of Koelmans artworks, however, the political message is clearly evident: a watercolour of a Young Man in Italian Tricolour [24]. In addition to the frequently used motif of the tricolour, openly used in Rome during the ‘liberal phase’ of Pius’ pontificate, we also see the symbol of the cappello alla calabrese, the Calabrian or ‘banditesque’ hat.51 This was considered a libertine and revolutionary symbol and was seen as a much more explicit political statement.52 The same ‘bandit’s hat’ can also be found on a number of works by the older Koelman. ...
Notes
... an 2023, the latter with detailed information on the author and an extensive contextualisation of the text and its reception, pp. 513-566. ...
... lust om pauselijk soldaat te worden’ […] ‘maar mijn broer Jan, die gehuwd was, werd opgeëist en moest gehoor geven’. Koelman 2023, p. 123. ...
... isual arts and literature Tatasciore 2022, passim; Sorba 2015, pp. 343-358 and Ajaccio 2013, pp. 170-181. ...
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5.5 Allegiances
... ekerke informed the minister that even his repeated exhortations had failed to change Koelman’s mind. The letter shows that Koelman, just as he had suggested to Ehnle, had found a way to no longer be dependent on his Dutch benefactors. He had managed to establish his name as a painter of portraits and costume pieces and could therefore afford to be stubbornly opportunistic [5-9]. In December 1844, it was clear to the ambassador that ‘Mr Koelman is doomed to languish here. He belongs to that breed of artists who are becoming more numerous by the day in Rome and who are disgracing the fine arts by turning them into a veritable industry in order to make a living.’26The Dutch authorities would not easily forget their dissatisfaction with the ‘Koelman affair’. It would contribute to Minister Thorbecke’s decision in 1851 to put a temporary end to the Dutch Prix de Rome.27 ...
Notes
... orth-Holland, D.J. van Ewijck van Oostbroek en De Bilt; Foreign ministers J.W. Baron Huyssen van Kattendijke, W.A. Schimmelpenninck van der Oye and J.A.H. De La Sarraz; painter Cornelis Kruseman; sculptor John de Koningh; the Dutch envoy C.F.A. count De Liedekerke-Beaufort and J.H. Koelman himself. Additional references here are limited to quotations. ...
... egenwoordig eer aandoen’, De Liedekerke to Foreign minister J.W. Baron Huyssen van Kattendijke, dated 18 Nov...
... ...